The primary intent of this thesis is to content analyze four Nigerian dailies in an attempt to look at press freedom under the civilian rule (1960-1965) and the military rule (1966-1978); and compare to see how both governments' control affected the content of the Nigerian newspapers. It also attempts to determine how both governments relate to the press and the level of press freedom in Nigeria. This newspaper analysis was significant for several reasons: It was the first research up to date that has looked at the civilian/military government control (as it affects the Nigerian newspapers' content; and furthermore, to see the form of government under which press freedom was attained more. The old, effective, traditional oral communications gradually disintegrated as the development of the press in Nigeria surfaced. The nature of press-government relationships in Nigeria today is in large part due to the legacy left by the British colonial administrators. The main sources of information were four Nigerian newspapers: Daily Times, New Nigerian, Nigerian Tribune and the Daily Express. Also a wide variety of secondary information, books and periodicals were used.

The trumpet was one of the wind instruments Hindemith used frequently in his chamber music, and he employed it prominently in five works from 1925 to 1954. These works are the Sonate fur Trompete (1939), the Konzert fur Trompete in B und Fagott mit Streichorchester (1954), Drei Stucke (19251 the Septett fur Blasinstrumente (1949), and "Morgenmusik," from the collection Plöner Musiktag (1932). This study examines and compares Hindemith's writing for the trumpet in these selected works, noting features in his use of the instrument which determine the applicability of the works to the Gebrauchsmusik concept.

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The product sugar is studied in detail with special emphasis on supply and demand factors, in an attempt to better understand the abnormal sugar market of 1963-1964. The unusual market fluctuations of that period appear to have been initiated by a statistical imbalance in world supply and demand of sugar. The extent of price fluctuations in the united states during 1963-1964 we accentuated by the inability of current sugar legislation to shield the U.S. market from the world market, and by the openly aggressive purchasing policies followed by the U.S. department of agriculture which further aggravated an already thin and inflated world sugar market. There is also evidence that excessive market activity on the New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange by the nonprofessional group of buyers contributed additional instability to the sugar market, along with the scare buying and hoarding which were common in the U.S. especially during the critical days of 1963.

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This study has investigated the use of political authority by Congressman Charles A. Halleck, Indiana Second District Republican, and his activities as House Republican Minority Leader during the administration of President John F. Kennedy. Halleck exemplified the Madisonian Model, the checks-and-balances structure of American government designed in large part by James Madison and created by the United States Constitution. This system is characterized by a division of political responsibility, a primary example of which is the United States Congress, consisting of regional representation, political factions and fluid and constantly changing alliances. As a member of Congress for over thirty years, Charles Halleck strongly supported the structure and political authority of Congress.The antithesis to the Madisonian Model is the Jeffersonian Model with the centralized, national office of the President as the representative of the consensus of the American people. John F. Kennedy represented a major example of the Jeffersonian Model. A dialectic struggle between these two political models has resulted to determine the course of American society. The primary goal of this study has been to evaluate the Madisonian Model: has this checks-and-balances system of divided political authority successfully met the challenges of modern American life?The research focused on Charles Halleck's responses to five economic legislative goals of the Kennedy program, known as the New Frontiers an increase in the minimum wage, aid to depressed areas, a housing omnibus bill, medical care for the aged through the Social Security system, and federal aid to education. Halleck opposed all of these Kennedy programs because he believed they violated his two basic principles: fiscal responsibility by the national government and limited federal authority and the preservation of state and local government independence.The evidence has demonstrated that Halleck exploited the Madisonian Model as his weapon to oppose the New Frontier legislation. He expertly exploited congressional committees, parliamentary tactics, political factions, and regional divisions to resurrect the conservative coalition, an alliance of Republicans and Southern Democrats. Using his two basic principles as a rallying theme, Halleck was frequently able to attract substantial numbers of Southern Democrats to his cause, and his exercise of his Republican leadership position assured a large majority of support from within his own party.As Part One illustrates, Halleck and his conservative coalition forces were unable to overcome the economic and regional appeals of three of Kennedy's proposals, minimum wage, redevelopment, and housing, and Kennedy was able to win legislative approval. These bills passed through Congress because they catered to the economic, regional needs of localized areas. Halleck and the Madisonian Model, as demonstrated by Part Two, were victorious in defeating medicare and education legislation that was essentially national in scope. The controversial nature of these proposals prevented the factionalized House from voting for their passage.The research of this study suggests that the Madisonian Model failed to respond to the needs of the American people or to protect their rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Charles Halleck's role in this failure by the Madisonian Model was crucial; no other congressional leader was in his position to form the forces of opposition to Kennedy and his New Frontier. Halleck believed that his political efforts would result in a new Republican majority elected by the American people. His failure to lead his party to majority status, the loss of his leadership position after 1964, and the eventual passage of medicare and federal aid to education demonstrated a clear rejection of the Halleck position by the American people.

L'examen de l'histoire de l'art du XXe siècle permet de constater que le mobilier y occupe une place de second ordre dans la hiérarchie des valeurs esthétiques. Issu de la tradition artisanale et ensuite associé au domaine du design, le mobilier comme proposition esthétique partage avec l'un ou l'autre de ces champs une fin utilitaire et remet ainsi en cause les limites de ceux-ci. Or, c'est ce métissage, cette ambiguïté relative dont est porteur le mobilier comme proposition esthétique qui est à l'origine de sa marginalisation, voire de son exclusion du champ de l'art puisqu'il bouleverse la nature et la définition même de l'art. C'est donc à ce bouleversement que nous nous intéresserons dans le cadre de ce mémoire avec l'objectif d'identifier et de définir les spécificités du mobilier comme proposition esthétique. Afin de rencontrer notre objectif, nous avons d'abord brièvement défini la notion de mobilier comme proposition esthétique et l'avons ensuite distinguée des autres propositions (le mobilier d'art, la sculpture mobilière et le mobilier d'artiste) avec lesquelles elle est parfois confondue. Nous avons cherché à démontrer l'existence de cette pratique qui traverse l'histoire de l'art du XXe siècle pour ensuite mettre en évidence les allusions et emprunts qu'elle réalise aux domaines de l'art, de l'artisanat, de l'architecture et du design, ce qui nous a permis d'établir le mobilier comme proposition esthétique en tant que pratique interdisciplinaire. Les caractéristiques et enjeux appartenant en propre à cette discipline ont finalement été exposés puis vérifiés et appuyés par l'analyse de la production de deux artistes et celle de deux de leurs oeuvres: lnlaid table (« Mother of Pearl table ») et Steel Furniture de Scott Burton et Guadalajara et Delegates Dining Room de Jorge Pardo. L'approche méthodologique fondée sur l'histoire et l'esthétique que nous avons privilégiée, mais aussi la pluralité des discours que nous avons sollicitée, nous ont ici permis d'amorcer notre réflexion sur les conditions de l'existence du mobilier comme proposition esthétique, à partir des concepts de mobilier, d'interdisciplinarité, d'oeuvre d'art totale et celui d'oeuvre totale, pour enfin l'établir en tant que pratique interdisciplinaire actualisant l'aspiration de l'avant-garde artistique du début du XXe siècle à faire se joindre l'art et la vie. L'étude de cas a, pour sa part, mis en évidence les caractéristiques matérielles et formelles du mobilier comme proposition esthétique. Elle a aussi révélé que c'est sous le mode de présentation plutôt que celui de la représentation qu'est proposé l'objet, que la fonction d'usage affichée par ce type de proposition et la participation active du visiteur qu'il suscite en sont les principaux attributs. Elle a enfin confirmé que les fonctions esthétique et d'usage peuvent coexister au sein d'une seule et même oeuvre d'art. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Scott Burton, Jorge Pardo, Mobilier comme proposition esthétique, Meuble d'art, Mobilier d'artiste, Mobilier sculptural, Sculpture, Installation.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Seminar für Zeitgeschichte--Universität Tübingen, 2001. / Bibliogr. p. 305-328.

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