Magíster en Análisis Sistémico Aplicado a la Sociedad / Las constituciones en la modernidad han cumplido la función de separar el derecho de la política, brindando a ambos criterios de legitimidad procedimental en su operar. Por un lado, el derecho puede dictaminar en base a la ley decisiones sobre lo legal/ilegal utilizando al poder para llevar su dictamen más allá de sus límites; por otro, la política se desprende del problema de la soberanía al constituir la idea de pueblo soberano, asignando el uso del poder anclado a la ley. Todo lo anterior, se entiende en el marco de la creación de derechos fundamentales contenidos en las constituciones que buscan reglamentar los derechos inalienables de cada ciudadano, tanto en su relación con el Estado como con otros actores sociales. De esta manera, derechos como habeas corpus, a la vida, a la libertad, a la propiedad privada, a la autodeterminación individual, a la salud, a la educación, entre otros, se vuelven relevantes. En los años veinte del siglo pasado, Hans Kelsen sostuvo la necesidad de crear tribunales especializados, que mantuvieran la Constitución como la suprema norma del sistema jurídico. Debían tener la potestad de legisladores negativos, capaces de expulsar cualquier precepto legal que fuera en contra de la norma primera. Así en su Austria natal se creó el primer Tribunal Constitucional (TC) del mundo, diseminándose la idea después de la II Guerra Mundial a raíz del trauma de las experiencias fascistas italiana y alemana. Así, la tarea de estos tribunales es resguardar la Constitución como norma primera, asegurando el goce de los derechos fundamentales contenidos en ella. El actual Tribunal chileno existe desde la aprobación de la Constitución de 1980. Con la última reforma constitucional del año 2005, se ha visto enfrentado a casos de alta connotación pública que representan una novedad en el derecho constitucional vigente. Procesos que se relacionan con los derechos homosexuales, la relación entre privados y particulares en el derecho a la salud, la privacidad de la información o políticas públicas relacionadas con la fertilidad han sido materia de sentencia. En otras palabras, existen derechos especialmente sensibles para la población que son factor de decisión judicial. De esta manera, se construye una relación entre decidores y afectados, donde los primeros deben considerar los impactos de su decisión. Esta última tensión en el Tribunal Constitucional –decidores/afectados- no ha logrado ser especificada conceptual y operacionalmente. En general, al Tribunal lo han considerado una herencia anti-democrática o un organismo de control de los poderes del Estado, olvidando su relación con el aseguramiento de los derechos fundamentales. Por ello esta investigación busca caracterizar al Tribunal Constitucional chileno como organización y su operación en casos de alta connotación pública relacionados con derechos fundamentales socialmente sensibles, considerando la forma de procesar el riesgo de los impactos de las decisiones relacionadas con estos derechos

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / El propósito de la presente memoria es reseñar las acusaciones constitucionales interpuestas en contra de Intendentes y Gobernadores durante la vigencia de las Constituciones de 1925 y de 1980, y analizar los principales aspectos controvertidos en ellas.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / No autorizada por el autor para ser publicada a texto completo / A nivel mundial existe acuerdo respecto de las características que debe presentar el régimen político ideal al que deben apuntar todas las naciones: Debe ser un régimen democrático, tolerante y, sobretodo, participativo. Estos énfasis no responden a una “moda” constitucional sino que son motivados por la nueva realidad que se vive en gran parte del mundo, caracterizada por la globalización, el mayor acceso a la información, la valoración de la diversidad social y cultural, de la tolerancia y el respeto a las minorías, el rechazo de los autoritarismos, etc.. En este nuevo estado del pensamiento y la realidad política, no caben los dirigismos; los ciudadanos deben ser escuchados y estar cada vez más cerca de la toma de decisiones, ya que son ellos los afectados por las mismas. Esta idea, que es base y presupuesto del sistema democrático y que fue tan diáfanamente expuesta en los albores de las revoluciones liberales, fue resistida durante los siglos XIX y XX por las autocracias de viejo cuño (Monarquías absolutas), pero también por sectores supuestamente democráticos que, aduciendo falta de capacidad del electorado, complejidad de los temas a decidir o la necesidad de velar por un interés superior (Nación, Estado, Raza, Revolución), marginaban al electorado de la toma de decisiones reservando estas a una élite económica o partidista. La nueva realidad ha hecho necesaria la adecuación de los sistemas políticos vigentes. El modelo tradicional, basado exclusivamente en la elección periódica de representantes hoy es impresentable. La demanda de la gente de mayor ingerencia en la toma de las decisiones que los afectan, en el mundo entero, se ha canalizado a través de “ingenios constitucionales” que buscan compatibilizar el modelo representativo con instituciones de democracia directa, reservándole a los ciudadanos una cuota de soberanía. Así, la tendencia contemporánea es que se abran espacios para que los ciudadanos, cuando los necesiten, expresen sus pareceres, sin forzar a los mismos a intervenir cuando no lo estimen conveniente. En Chile, la recepción de estas instituciones ha sido modesta. Sin embargo, se ha utilizado en momentos cruciales de nuestra historia reciente con resultados satisfactorios. Esto explica el interés de parte de nuestro constituyente de introducir con mayor fuerza estas instituciones en nuestro ordenamiento. En el año 1996, un grupo de senadores de distintas tendencias políticas presentó dos proyectos de reforma constitucional: Uno destinado a introducir la iniciativa popular de ley, y otro destinado a extender la consulta plebiscitaria respecto de materias de interés nacional, en el ámbito económico, político y social. El 15 de Junio de 1999 ingresó otro proyecto elaborado por la Presidencia de la república y destinado a ampliar el ámbito de consulta respecto de la reforma constitucional. Todo ello nos ha motivado a realizar este estudio sobre la incorporación de las instituciones de democracia directa a nuestro ordenamiento jurídico, particularmente la iniciativa popular de ley y el plebiscito o referéndum.

Tesis para optar al título de Arquitecto

This is a study of how certain value loaded political terms are used in Zimbabwean Parliamentary debate. Before 1980 it is argued that aspects of lexical choice and an individual's sociopolitical position were extremely closely related, especially in the case of "white Rhodesians". There was also a marked lack of ambiguity in the use of value loaded terms at this time. In contemporary Zimbabwean House of Assembly, however, terms which became popularized when the new government came to power in 1980 are used with considerable ambiguity and contestability in order to further specific strategies. Though correlations between the choice of lexical units and individuals' positions in the social structure have been identified as "sociolinguistic variables" (Downes 1984, 75), it is argued that an analysis of this type of correlation should lead us to an analysis of how these lexical units or "terms" are used by individual speakers in a micro-political process. I hypothesize that the ambiguity and contestability which encompass certain key terms used in the Zimbabwean House contribute to their being used as strategies to achieve individual or party goals. I show that the terms are manipulated by individuals in various contexts, and that the normative connotations of terms, that is what the terms "ought" to mean, is not consistent with the ways in which they are used. This, in turn, has an effect on how people think the terms should be used. This process of language change exposes the interface between language usage and social life. Though not reducible to a single "correct" interpretation, it does provide rich material for the analysis of culture.

Psychobiography can be viewed as the re-writing of an individual’s life story previously undetected. In general it consists of a combination of two central elements: biography and psychological theory that aim to explain the particular individual’s psychological development. This particular study serves to explore the extraordinary life of renowned singer, songwriter, artist and activist, John Winston Lennon (1940-1980). The basis for this investigation will take the form of notable biographical accounts of the subject’s life, together with Austrian psychiatrist Alfred Adler’s (1938) theory of Individual Psychology, which recognizes the importance of human society for the development of individual character and the orientation of every single action and emotion in the life of a human being. Adler’s theory further explores that the main motives of human thought and behaviour are an individual’s striving for superiority and power, partly in compensation for his feeling of inferiority. The psychobiographical data collection and analysis for this research thesis will be guided by Yin’s (1994) theory of ‘analytic generalisation’, which uses a theoretical framework in selecting relevant data which develops a matrix as a descriptive framework for organizing and integrating that data, and Alexander’s (1988) analytical model which focuses on lifting out themes through principal identifiers of salience was used and applied. John Winston Lennon expressed his personal experiences and ideals through his songs and became the spokesman for his generation on modern day issues such as feminism and world peace. It is however, unfortunate that Lennon throughout his life remained a boy who felt rejected and unloved by his parents and strove to be superior in all aspects of his rich life in an attempt to acquire the love and acceptance that was not bestowed on him as a child.

Jean Piaget describes three stages in the development of that aspect of quantitative thinking which he named conservation of number. In the first stage, a child is quite unaware that one-to-one pairing of two sets implies equivalence of the sets. He is unable to make a correct one-to-one correspondence, and if presented with two sets of objects which have been matched unit for unit, believes that one set has become greater if its units are spread out, or smaller if they have been compressed. In the second stage, the child is able to make a correct correspondence, but does not believe in the continued equivalence of the sets when one is spatially rearranged. In the third stage, the child maintains that the matched sets remain equivalent even though the units of one set have been rearranged, that is, the child conserves number. Piaget postulates that conservation is a necessary condition of mathematical understanding. In this study, it was hypothesized that children who are in Stage 1 at the beginning of their Grade 1 year, and who are still in Stage 1 at the beginning of the second term show low achievement in arithmetic at the end of the school year. It was further hypothesized that each stage in conservation is associated with corresponding levels in terminal achievement in Grade 1 arithmetic. One hundred fifty-six children received an individual conservation test in October of their first grade year, and were thereby classified as being in Stage 1, Stage 2, or Stage 3 in conservation development. In January, those classified as Stage 1 received a second conservation test, and were again classified according to their stage in conservation development at that time. In May, the arithmetic sub-test of the Stanford Achievement Test, Primary I Battery was administered to all groups. A significant proportion of the Stage 1 group selected by the January conservation test had achievement scores which fell below the median for all subjects, while a significant proportion of the Stage 3 group selected by the October test had above-median achievement scores. Mean achievement scores for the two Stage 3 groups did not differ significantly from each other, but were higher than mean achievement scores for the Stage 1 and Stage 2 groups. No significant differences were found among mean achievement scores of Stage 1 and Stage 2 groups. The results were interpreted as being consistent with Piaget's theory. The superiority of the mean terminal achievement of early conservers over that of children who had not developed conservation by January appeared great enough to be of educational importance. Some individual scores showed marked deviation from the pattern derived from the group data, however, and caution in use of the conservation test as a predictive instrument was recommended. It was proposed that the conservation test could be a useful diagnostic procedure for the teacher. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

The ecological movement in the psychology of perception, founded by James J. Gibson, hold that traditional approaches to perception are based upon certain fundamental mistakes. The chief one, ecological theorists claim, is that perceptual information pickup consists of the application of certain cognitive processes to sensory input which is not specific to features of organisms' environment. Gibson's fundamental claim is that perception does not require the processing of some form of sensory input. In this sense, the ecological approach is said to be a theory of direct perception. An important debate over the Gibsonian view concerns the question of whether or not perceptual information pickup without cognitive processing is a coherent notion. Among the more recent writers who claim that the ecological view will not work as it stands are Jerry A. Fodor and Zenon W. Pylyshyn. They claim, essentially, that Gibson's approach has no means for accounting for intentionality. Fodor and Pylyshyn are answered by four prominent Gibsonians who claim such criticisms are utterly baseless. These ecological theorists, Michael Turvey, Robert Shaw, Edward Reed, and William Mace endeavour to show how their approach can indeed account for intentionality. This debate between Fodor and Pylyshyn on the one hand, and Turvey, Shaw, Reed, arid Mace on the other is a perfect example of the kinds of misunderstandings that have arisen between Gibsonians and proponents of traditional view. In this thesis, I supply a detailed description of Gibson's model as it relates to the issue of how intentionality could survive perception without processing. Fodor and Pylyshyn's understanding and assessment of the Gibsonian position will then be examined. Although these defenders of traditional views have, some important concerns,.they also seem not to have a proper grasp of some Gibsonian concepts. In particular, Fodor arid Pylyshyn have an unsatisfactory grasp of the notion of an invariant. There are more serious misunderstandings evident in the response to Fodor arid Pylyshyn given by Turvey et al. I point out that these ecological theorists have difficulties with philosophical terms and theories they employ in defense of Gibson. As a result of evident confusions over notions of intension, extension, and property, arid confusions over the nature of Fred I. Dretske's theory of natural laws and Hillary Putnam's theory of natural kinds, Turvey et al do not manage to show how Gibson's approach could account for intensionality. I conclude by suggesting that the ecological approach nevertheless is compatible with the idea, of analyzing perceptual information pickup in terms of behaviour, or dispositions to behave. On such an interpretation, the ecological approach is similar in many important respects to the D.M. Armstrong's philosophical theory of perception. The comparison provides ecological theorists with a precedent as well as philosophical model to consult in order to better, understand the philosophical language and terminology. On the other hand, the comparison with Armstrong provides philosophers of perception with a means for approaching Gibson's view and the problems with which it will he confronted. / Arts, Faculty of / Philosophy, Department of / Graduate

During the 1968-1972 period attempts were made to introduce 'rationality' into the structures and processes of the Canadian Cabinet. It has usually been argued that these attempts by Prime Minister Trudeau provide an innovative and radically distinct departure from the 'diversified incrementalism' or 'crises management' decision-making under Prime Minister Pearson. Is the usual argument correct? This question is dealt with by examining in turn the role of the Cabinet and the Prime Minister, the development of the committee system (with emphasis upon the Committee on Priorities and Planning), the place of the Treausury Board and especially of the Treasury Board Secretariat, the role of the Cabinet Secretariat, and the role of the Prime Minister's Office. The crucial difference between official actions and political actions is underscored in this examination. While the 1968-72 changes did establish , a more rational basis for decision-making, and may thus be seen as innovative, the changes did not amount to any radical departure — and, indeed, they were themselves the product of an incremental approach to change. While Prime Minister Trudeau presented the changes in terms of a philosophy of rationality, the actual changes must be seen as incremental extensions of changes which Prime Minister Pearson began. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Orientador: Natermes Guimarães Teixeira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de CAmpinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T22:10:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carpintero_JoseNewtonCabral_M.pdf: 7320250 bytes, checksum: e0faa59ac5c9e78bb18db4425c5d9b53 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1991 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed / Mestrado / Mestre em Economia