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It is a commonly held theory that population is related to levels of social and economic development within a given country or society. The work of Becker in the early 1960s gave much impetus to studies of the relationship between fertility, mortality and migration, on the one hand and their determinants, on the other. The determinants were seen as the social, economic, political and cultural settings of the countries or socities under study. The thesis attempts to apply this theory in relation to the demographic development of Zimbabwe. The thesis postulates that socio-economic differentials within Zimbabwe are sufficiently pronounced as to begin to affect the demographic structure of the country. It is with this in mind that three objectives are set for the thesis: a) the exploration of the demographic structure of the population of Zimbabwe, as a means of furthering the understanding of the nature of the demographic development of the country; b) the development and utilization of data estimation techniques as a means of overcoming the deficiencies in the data collected from official sources; and, c) the investigation of the link between population change, on the one hand, with social and economic development on the other. The hypothesis proceeds through the examination of such social and economic variables as income, education, health and other social indicators in relation to fertility, migration and mortality. Due to the inadequacy of data on the demographic variables, the thesis estimates such data using the recognized relationships among the demographic variables. The estimated demographic measures are subjected to correlation and regression analysis after the development structure of the country has been explored through factor and cluster analysis. Three geographical scales are used in the analyses viz. the province, the district and the local authority area. Use of the three geographical scales exposes the dangers of extrapolating and generalizing national patterns of demographic, social and economic development to the levels of the district and the local authority, as well as exposing different features of the development profile of the country of Zimbabwe. The thesis concludes that there is a differentiation in the demographic profile of the various geographical regions of the country, based on inequitable distribution of resources in the past when the country was under white settler colonial rule. The advent of independence and the introduction of policies designed to reduce such inequalities had not had time to work by the time the 1982 Census, from whose data the study is based, was taken. The thesis therefore recommends that further censuses are required if the effect of such policies are to be measured. It further recommends the use of cross-temporal instead of the cross-sectional data which was applied in this study.

The European Union has become a region of intense immigration and the movements of third country nationals from outside or within the territory of the Member States has jumped to the top of ECIEU political agenda. Important ECIEU measures have been adopted concernmg the most important aspects in the area of immigration since the late eighties. The movements of third country nationals have nonetheless been regulated by EC law, although incidentally, since the origin of the Communities. The analysis covers fifty years of Community immigration history and it studies the changes in the immigration movements themselves and, in particular, of their regulation under ECIEU law. The research focuses on the factors that have contributed and that are shaping the emerging European immigration policy in order to evaluate the real impact of old and, especially, new rules on racial and ethnic minority groups and women. An EU integrated policy covenng all aspects related to third country nationals does not exist but very important steps, consolidated in the Amsterdam Treaty, have been taken over the last decade (1989/1999). The strategy to adopt at EU level is not very clear or coherent due to the complexity of the area itself and because of the different approaches of the EU Institutions on the answer to give to immigration issues. It has been demonstrated that although some gaps remain in the labyrinth of ECIEU immigration rules, the main trend, imposed principally by the Member States, is towards the creation of a White Fortress Europe.

The movement of labour from the less developed countries of southern Europe and North Africa to the industrial economiesof northern Europe in the 1960s and 1970s, has led to a migrant populationof some 15 million in these countries. Poduguese labour migration to France has been part of this wider movement, and the Portuguese are one of the largest migrant groups, representing over one fifth of the estimated four millionmigrants in France. Ambivalenceas to the migrants' status and future is considerable on the level of policy, in the literature concerning these labour migrations, and among the migrants themselves: the uncertainty is whether the phenomenonis one of settlement and permanent immigration or of temporary migration and ultimately the return of migrants to their countries of origin. Takingthe case of Portuguese migrants in Grenoble, this thesis explores the intentions of Portuguese migrant workers in France to return to Portugal. In part this may be seen as a prior intention, consistent with the migrants' initial plans to benefit from the employment opportunities and better pay abroad, and to earn as much money as possible in a short time, in order to be able to return to Portugal. I describe precedents for this kindof a return migration in Portugal's extensive emigration history. However, this return orientation in migration cannot be seen only as the continuity of a cultural form, or as occurring in France in an ideological vacuum. The intention to return to Portugal, which implies a limited commitment to France, and a reference to Portuguese conditions and values, is fundamental in the migrants' tolerance of generally disadvantageous conditions, particularly of employment, in France, and thereby an aspect of the migrants' continuing usefulness there. The migrants' differentiation from the French workforce is in some respects beneficial to French society, and the migrants' economic, political and social marginality is reinforced and perpetuated on an ideologicallevel, by ltgislation, and in a variety of ways in evtryday pratice. Cultural differences may be cultivated, and there is an involuntary aspect to the migrants' marginality and the return orientation. For these reasons I have stressed tht broader political and economic forces in labour migration as the context which acts on the migrants and within which they must act. Yet for many migrants, the intention to return to Portugal is more than a passive response to their vulnerable postition in French society or a product of the ideology of the dominant society. While we are dealing with a subjective intention to return rather than actual returns, this is a dynamic element of migrant identity and culture in France, full of tensions but with great symbolic importance as well as far-reaching practical implications for their lives and the nature of their participation in French life. This is particularly the case for many of the older generation of migrants aged between 30-50. Their return orientation is often accompaniedby an adherence to what they see as 'Portuguese' values and culture, the forms and expressions of which I consider; it is also associated with the maintenance of social and economio links with Portugal, distinctive savings and consumption patterns, a steady flow of remittances, and by a perception of migration as temporary even after 20 or more years' residence in France. The return orientation is central among many Portuguese migrants in France, not just as a latent desire, but as a system of meaning and a structuring principle in every day life; plans to return not only justify migration in tht long term, but are a priority which is used to organise and give coherence to the migrants' daily strategies and choices. TM maintenance of an alternative value system, an identity, and options aside from those that conditions in France impose on them, gives the migrants a certain autonomy despite the constraints of their situation

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