In the rapidly globalizing world with increasingly democratic systems of government, public policies are being developed to address the challenges of achieving and maintaining political stability while promoting economic growth to assure national security, the social and economic well being of citizens and sustainable environments for future generations. However, as noted by some thinkers, the process of making policies to achieve these fundamental goals constitutes a series of informal and formal bargains negotiated among political actors and policy elites as constituencies and coalitions to support policy reforms are constantly evolving. The objectives of this thesis are to examine the factors driving public policy choice and implementation, focusing on the role of policy makers, in order to better understand policy making in developing and transition economies and to contribute to the strengthening of policy making to these economies. In broad terms the research looks at the role of the state and the policy maker in a state-centred approach to governance and policy making. In particular, the research applies the stages heuristic and theoretical adaptation of the Advocacy coalition framework to examine specific instances of public policy making in the economies in the Western Balkans. The research applies a mixed-methods research approach including a survey of policy makers and case studies of specific reform episodes related to economic growth and the enabling environment for private capital as an important pillar for economic growth. The findings of the research supports the conclusion of Grindle and Thomas (1991) that policy elites are critical in shaping reform agendas and since they play critical roles in defining not only the content of policies but also the timing and pace of reform and the ultimate implementation of the reforms by managing the political economy and marshaling resources for implementation. The research supports Sabatier's view (1991) that the opinions of policy elites matter in public policy making. Therefore the analysis should focus on policy elites and the factors that affect their core beliefs over time. In the case of the Western Balkans, the policy inputs from the relatively weak private sector and the poorly-resourced civil society, combined with the legacy of a communist, state-controlled approach to top-down, autocratic policy making provides the basis for supporting the finding that policy networks, consistent with the definition of Rhodes (2007) among others, apparently do not exist in these transition economies of the Western Balkans. However, it is clear that formal and informal coalitions exist in the Western Balkan. They are formed to respond to particular policy issues and depending on the specific sector these policy coalitions may be more robust or better resourced. More research is necessary to understand the informal interests and coalitions that operate on the political level. Finally, the study concludes that policy making occurs in a highly political environment that is critical for effective policy making and successful policy reform in developing and transition economies.

This thesis examines UNESCO's World Heritage project in Djenne, a World Heritage site in Mali. It argues that only through a thorough understanding of UNESCO's history and political structure can the ideological basis for its work be revealed. UNESCO's recent focus on intangible heritage provides a model for examining the difficulties it encounters in Djenne. Accordingly, UNESCO's move from a concentration on 'outstanding universal value' and an archival approach to cultural heritage towards a more dynamic emphasis on cultural transmission finds a resonance in Djenne. A study of the work of artisans, guides and the Festival du Djennery held in the town all reveal cultural heritage to be a negotiated practice, in need of constant adaptation to remain relevant to a population struggling to live in conditions of extreme poverty.

This thesis is a study of the emergence and diachronic development of Greek-Cypriot nationalism, and its relation to nation, state, and national identities. The broad perspective of historical sociology is used, and the more specific neo-Weberian analytic framework of cultural transformation and social closure, as developed by A. Wimmer, to demonstrate how nationalism, as the 'axial principle' along which modem societies structure inclusion and exclusion, did not lead to the development of a Cypriot nation state, but to a bi-ethnic national state instead; this was mainly because closure took place along ethnic and not national lines, for socio-historical reasons which the study examines. The study first explores the hotly debated issue 'when is the nation', of whether there was a Greek nation in antiquity, of which Greek-Cypriots were a part, or whether the nation's roots are traceable in Medieval times. Next, the development of national consciousness and nationalism is considered, under three different types of regime: During Ottoman rule, a religious community was gradually transformed into an ethnic community; toward the end of this period, Ottoman reforms did not manage to forge a common new (Ottomanist) identity, for social closure had already progressed along ethnic lines. In early British colonial years, ethnicity was politicized and ethnic consciousness gradually turned into a nationalist mass movement for enosis; despite the overall unity of the movement, two variants of nationalism developed, a more traditional ethnic version, characterizing the Right, and another version, imbued with territorial/civic elements (derived from the Internationalist outlook of the communist party), characterizing the Left The anti-colonial struggle for enosis was led by the Right, and excluded the Left and the Turkish-Cypriots. The fragile consociational regime established at independence collapsed after a brief period of cohabitation between the Greeks and Turks of the island in the bi-ethnic / bi-communal Republic of Cyprus - the study analyses the causes leading to the breakdown. Between 1964 and 67, the Greek-Cypriots turned to enosis again, but after realizing the difficulties and dangers involved in its pursuance, Makarios sought to strengthen independence instead, while limiting the powers of Turkish-Cypriots - in effect, aiming for a majoritarian regime with minority rights for the latter. The clash between pro-independence and pro-enosis versions of nationalism was to characterize this period, leading to the coup and invasion of 1974. With the death of enosis in 1974, Hellenocentric nationalism would give more emphasis to Greek culture and identity, whereas Cyprocentric nationalism would stress the priority of Cyprus, the state, and of rapprochement with the Turkish-Cypriots. The study utilizes data from two surveys coordinated by the author, to analyze in more depth the attitudes and discourses of Greek-Cypriots as regards their relations to the Greek nation and the Cypriot state. The gradual strengthening of Cypriot identity is seen to be connected with a new social compromise, which seems to have prevailed within the Greek-Cypriot community, stressing the importance of the Greek-Cypriot state, and which seems to be the primary explanation of why the Greek-Cypriots rejected the federal solution suggested by the UN sponsored Annan Plan, in 2004. In the same year, Cyprus became a member of the European Union, and the study considers some of the implications of this development for the future of nationalism in Cyprus.

Mega sports events have become important tools for cities seeking to enhance their global position, undertake regeneration and promote tourism and there is intense competition to win the rights to host events, particularly the Olympics, World Athletics Championships and FIFA World Cup. Using the case of the abandoned Lee Valley National Athletics Centre (LVNAC) project and the loss of the rights to stage the 2005 World Athletics Championships in London as a case study, this thesis sets out. To explore the inter-relationships between governance, sport and the city, with a particular focus on mega sports events. .A qualitative approach was adopted to enable processes to be explored and to tease out linkages between different aspects of governance, levels of governance, sport and governance and the various interested parties. This thesis is multi-disciplinary in its approach, using concepts from a variety of disciplines including social policy, geography, urban studies and politics. It is underpinned by an integrative theoretical framework drawing elements primarily from urban regime theory, theories of policy networks and multi-level governance. This thesis is based on the premise that the key to understanding the failure of the LVNAC project as well as the development of other mega sporting projects lies in understanding the prevailing governance arrangements. A working hypothesis was developed to guide the thesis, which is that the relative failure of the UK to bid for, and stage mega-sports events in the recent past is rooted within aspects of the network style of governance that evolved in London and other UK cities. In order to explore this proposition and to more fully understand the failure of the LVNAC project this thesis compares how other nations and cities (both within the UK and abroad) approach mega sports events and their experiences of staging mega sports events. Drawing on documentary sources and semi-structured interviews with key players involved with the LVNAC project, the 'story' of the Lee Valley National Athletics Centre is told. The analysis of the LVNAC project locates the project within the evolving governance arrangements for London- the re-instatement of city-wide government and election of the Mayor in 2001. Comparison is made with the subsequent successful London bid for the 2012 Olympics. This thesis demonstrates the importance of governance issues throughout the whole mega sports events process and at all levels of governance. In particular this thesis has shown that three elements of governance -leadership, vision and strategy -play a critical role in securing and delivering successful mega sports events. The failure of the LVNAC project was the result of failures on all these fronts whilst the success of the London Olympic bid was largely because these elements were in place. This thesis highlights the critical role played by cities but also the continuing importance of central government in the mega sporting events process. Furthermore, this thesis has demonstrated the value of studying an apparent failure. So often the emphasis within policy and political arenas is on learning from success and consequently failures are often overlooked as a source of positive knowledge.

Equality is a central concept in the development of a liberal society. However, its implementation in Britain raises issues of great concern to persons with disabilities. Such issues include the following: (i) the under representation of persons with disabilities in the labour force resulting in their over dependency on welfare benefits; (ii) the prevalence of institutional discrimination that has left public authorities unable to respond appropriately to the rights and felt needs of persons with disabilities; and (iii) the inadequacy of a regulatory framework to deal comprehensively with issues of societal discrimination against and marginalisation of persons with disabilities. Using the London Borough of Southwark as a case study, this thesis finds that the statutory duty on public authorities to promote equality represents an advancement of the rights-based perspective of disability and that Southwark council seems to be moving closer to this position. However, the duty is still not being implemented fully in the way Parliament intended, resulting in the continuing failure to respect the rights of persons with disabilities to equality and non-discrimination. To resolve these deficiencies and on the basis of: (i) a comprehensive literature review; (ii) an analysis of the current legal and policy framework on disability discrimination and equality and of; (iii) an empirical study of equality management in the London borough of Southwark for an exploration of the legal issues that flow from the implementation of the Equality duty by public authorities, the study exposes certain tensions between the twin currents of anti-discrimination legislation; positive duties and negative compliance, individual and group rights, equality and Human rights, reactive and anticipatory reasonable adjustments and makes practical suggestions for reconciling the two approaches. It also highlights certain issues of principle that should be addressed if the managerial thinking that drives the equality agenda in our local authorities is helpfully to adapt to the law. The study also highlights attractive features of the substantive equality paradigm for achieving equality for persons with disabilities and stresses respect for the autonomy, independence and sense of dignity and self worth of this group of citizens. However, the picture that emerges is of a statutory landscape pulled in different directions. The culture of negative compliance may still have the upper hand in our local authorities, but it has not completely undermined the forces of rational change encapsulated in the duty on public authorities to promote equality. This is what makes critical theory possible and makes the presentation of this thesis a worthwhile endeavour.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.