Political philosophers have generally assumed that all residents of states are citizens, and vice versa. But the changing face of migration from permanent, ‘settler’ migration to temporary, multiple migration means that ‘denizenship’ – the state of being a resident non-citizen – can no longer be considered anomalous. Denizenship is clearly a less favourable status than citizenship. However, little has been done to explore this intuition. To the extent that immigration has been theorised, it has been according to three main dimensions. The first considers first admission, the second what rights denizens are entitled to, and the third what conditions states can set on citizenship acquisition. Part 1 of my thesis examines and identifies the limitations with these existing approaches. I argue that, by identifying the problem of denizenship with the absence of legal rights, the rights approach cannot specify the conditions under which it is problematic for denizens to enjoy fewer of the rights of citizenship. It also takes insufficient account of the way in which states lack the incentive to protect their non-citizen population. The citizenship acquisition approach, on the other hand, is not sensitive enough to deal with the different claims of vulnerable groups of migrants. In Part 2 I advance an alternative framework for addressing the problem of denizenship structured around the republican ideal of non-domination. First, I develop a conception of domination as dependence on unaccountable power. Second, I apply this conception to the case study of denizens and to different groups of vulnerable migrants. I find that denizens as a group are vulnerable to domination, and that they encompass vulnerability subgroups, including refugees and undocumented migrants. Finally, I outline features of a domination-reducing policy approach to migration. I suggest that domination can inform policies in four areas: improving the accountability of states to their non-citizen population; empowering denizens in their private relationships; reducing domination in immigration policy; and reducing arbitrariness in citizenship acquisition.

The thesis examines the impact of cultural values on young people's patterns of political participation. The core argument of the thesis is that electoral and party politics do not anymore accurately describe young people's participation trends which are moving away from the formal political arena towards a more extra-institutional type of participation. The thesis acknowledges the new opportunities for participation offered by the internet and the unexplored role of cultural values in the online space. Inglehart's theory of value change is used to explore the impact of postmaterialism on political participation in both offline and online realms. The thesis compares the youths of Greece and Britain. The two countries are compared due to their differences in the levels of postmaterialism, economic development and internet penetration. The thesis puts forward new and revised questionnaire items for the study of political participation and introduces an entirely new battery of questions for researching online political participation. According to the results, extra-institutional participation is a far more popular type of participation than traditional political participation in both Greece and Britain and in both its offline and online forms. In bivariate analysis, postmaterialism has a positive and statistically significant relationship with offline and online extra-institutional participation in both countries, while online extra-institutional participation is significantly associated with its offline aspect. In multivariate analysis, postmaterialism is a statistically significant predictor for extra-institutional participation in the case of Greece but only in the offline environment. Results from multivariate analysis also show that postmaterialism is not a statistically significant predictor for online or offline extra-institutional participation in Britain but remains an important contributing factor. Overall, young people in Greece are more politically active in the offline and online extra-institutional arena than young Britons. However, levels of postmaterialism among young people in the two countries are not statistically different.

Over-the-counter derivatives, a growing part of the global financial markets, are challenging traditional modes of regulation. With the absence of a global financial regulator, the governance of derivatives is notable for private-sector solutions, especially standards established by self-regulatory organisations. As a consequence, it is of interest how China, a strong state, is responding to these new challenges while it pursues economic and financial market development. This research asks whether China's policies for these types of derivatives are converging to international practices and explores the factors behind this phenomenon. It measures the degree of convergence between Chinese over-the-counter derivatives regulation and documentation with precedents set by the Group of Thirty, the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, and the International Swaps and Derivatives Association. The key findings establish that there is some convergence taking place over several dimensions, including principles such as their purpose, and practices such as how to approach risk management. This can be explained by several factors, namely financial crises and regulatory learning, the influence of international organisations, lobbying from private actors, and resolving legal uncertainty. The research methodology utilises a combination of process tracing, content analysis and the case study approach. Data consists of primary and secondary sources including government documents, trade journal articles and media reports, and they are supplemented by interviews with market actors. Several contributions to knowledge are made. This research provides a closer look at the policy process in China in the domain of derivatives, which insofar has mostly been limited to the legal profession, and it also adds to the literature on global governance and policy convergence, the latter of which has mostly concentrated on the effects of the European Union on member states or other policy areas such as the environment, health, and banking.

The purpose of the thesis is to examine John Stuart Mill’s political thought from about 1827 to 1848 as an exercise in intellectual history. It focuses, first, on Mill’s view, formulated by the late 1830s, that contemporary society was ‘civilized’, and second, on his project of a science of society, which he aspired to develop in the late 1830s and early 1840s. By the late 1830s, Mill came to the view that his contemporary society was a ‘commercial society or civilization’, dominated by the middle, commercial class. The first part of my thesis, constituted by Chapters 2-4, discusses the way in which Mill formed his notion of civilization, and what he meant by the term ‘civilization’. Mill paid attention to the implications of the rise of the middle class, and regarded such phenomena of contemporary society as the corruption of the commercial spirit and excessive social conformity as an inevitable consequence of the rise of the middle class. The second part of the thesis, constituted by Chapters 5-9, examines Mill’s projected science of society. In the late 1830s and early 1840s, Mill attempted to develop a new science of society whose subject-matter was the nature and prospects of commercial, civilized society. This aspiration culminated in A System of Logic, published in 1843. In examining Mill’s projected science, I pay particular attention to the fact that he conceived new sciences of history and of the formation of character, both of which were indispensable in his project, although he failed to give a complete account of these sciences. My thesis shows that the implications of his interest both in history and in the formation of character are more significant than Mill scholars have assumed.

The role of epistemic communities in influencing policy formulation is underexplored in International Relations theory in general and in nuclear non-proliferation studies in particular. This thesis explores how epistemic communities – groups of experts knowledgeable in niche issue areas – have affected nuclear non-proliferation policy formulation in two important and under-studied cases: the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) and the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) Program. It demonstrates that applying an epistemic community approach provides explanatory power heretofore lacking in explanations of these cases’ origins. The thesis applies the epistemic community framework to non-proliferation, using Haas’ (1992) seminal exploration of epistemic communities in the context of natural scientific and environmental policies. Specifically, it analyses the creation and successful implementation of ABACC and the CTR Program, which, respectively, verified the non-nuclear weapon status of Argentina and Brazil and facilitated the denuclearisation of Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. These cooperative nuclear non-proliferation agreements are shown to be the result of a process involving substantial input and direction from experts constituting epistemic communities. The thesis explores the differences in the emergence, composition, and influence mechanisms of the epistemic communities behind ABACC and the CTR Program. It reaches the conclusion that understanding the role of an epistemic community in non-proliferation policies leads to the possibility of creating more effective non-proliferation policies in the future.

This project examines how coalitions and their trajectories help to explain the variations in regime changes and the variations in the Portuguese and Spanish democratic outcome, during the period 1974-1978. After 48 years of dictatorship, Portugal’s political regime entered a new phase with the coup d’état of April 1974. At more or less the same time, Spain was going through political transformations of a comparable nature. If we think about the Spanish case, which has served as a prototype for democratization studies, the contrast with Portugal is impressive. The Portuguese case involved more than a linear transition to democracy: a socialist revolutionary process ended in a democratic outcome. The trajectories are the main concern: How is it that two countries that left an authoritarian regime and attained democratic stability did so via such different processes? Following the comparative-historical analysis path and the contentious politics framework, I will proceed with a study on coalitions in episodes of contention. I will show that the concatenation of certain causal mechanisms produced different coalition types. Event Analysis is employed to examine processes and mechanisms. First, I address what causal mechanisms propelled coalitions. Second, I focus on the role of coalitions in the processes of regime change. I argue that the causal mechanisms outbidding, diffusion, brokerage, boundary activation, boundary de-activation, defection, and threat generated effects that rearranged the initial configurations of institutions and political actors leading to a democratic outcome.

The central issue tackled in this thesis is whether there is room for legitimate restrictions upon pornography and extreme right political organisations' racist hate speech; whether such restrictions can be made without breaching generally accepted liberal rights and within a democratic context. Both these forms of speech, identified as 'hard cases' in the literature, are presented as problems that political theorists should be concerned with. This concern stems from the increase in these forms of speech but also due to their mainstreaming in society. In this thesis the republican conception of freedom as non-domination is explored as a more suitable account than the liberal one of freedom as non-interference, when dealing with these two forms of speech. In addition, the neo-Roman republican view is aligned with anti-pornography radical feminism. This alignment aids in releasing the feminist position from a liberal framework; thereby reducing the burden of proof relating to harms derived from pornography that this position has been subjected to. Liberalism's view of freedom of speech as a pre-political right leaves very limited room for restrictions to be made upon speech. The republican view of freedom as non-domination, meanwhile, means that restrictions need not be viewed as a breach of the right of freedom of speech. In addition, liberals argue that the most these forms of speech can cause is offence. By taking republican ideas of equality and respect for the democratic citizen, and anti-pornography radical feminist accounts of performative speech acts and grievances to individuals as part of a group, it is shown that not only can these forms of speech do more than offend, they can, in fact, dominate, in instances of individuals feeling subordinate. The theoretical work is illustrated through looking at two real world cases, Spain. a liberal state, and Finland, a republican state.

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