This thesis sets out the political rights that citizens are entitled to if they are to participate in a process of public justification, and proposes a framework for when these might legitimately be infringed upon. This framework is then applied to a series of controversial cases involving non-violent far-right parties in Europe between 1993 and 2007. The early chapters of the thesis set out a Rawlsian ideal of public justification and defends this against the criticisms of contemporary theorists who offer alternative versions of public reason. I argue that laws must be justified using reasons that are accessible and, at some level, acceptable to all, and that a form of deliberative democracy is constitutive of public justification. Deliberative democracy requires that citizens have adequate status in political discussions. There is therefore an overarching requirement of the state to ensure that citizens are able to participate in politics as equals from which specific political rights can be derived. These include not only the ‘negative’ freedoms of expression and association, but ‘positive’ entitlements such as support for political parties and campaign groups. Whilst under ideal conditions citizens are able to exercise all of their political rights simultaneously, under nonideal conditions some citizens behave in a way that prevents others from effectively exercising these rights. Dilemmas arise when such behaviour cannot be prevented without the state impinging upon some people’s political rights itself. The thesis advocates a methodological approach to the application of ideal theory that characterises these dilemmas as choices between sub-optimal outcomes. In such cases there are strong pro tanto reasons for both state interference and non-interference in political rights that must be assessed on a case-by-case basis. Later chapters apply this approach to the real-world example involving far-right parties.

Much scholarly attention across several disciplines has been devoted to the interlocking series of issues that, taken together, constitute efforts to address the complex legacies of the Northern Ireland conflict. Although the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement of 1998 tended to concentrate upon the constitutional future and the institutional architecture of the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive, nonetheless questions concerning the ‘politics of the past’, or how society should remember the ‘Troubles’ have been increasingly at the forefront of both popular and academic debate. The nature of the conflict, its genesis, its prosecution, and its outcome, if indeed it can be said to be definitively over, are all key aspects of this urgent, though often unfocused, attention. In an emerging, though still fragile, post-conflict environment, ‘dealing with the past’, whether in terms of a mooted overarching truth and reconciliation process, or through piecemeal attempts to uncover hitherto disputed or neglected aspects of the violent conflict, has become a critical arena within the contemporary political life of Northern Ireland. This is the context for the body of work which constitutes this submission, and which has broken new ground in the study of political memoir in a divided society.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the arguments in support of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to become an internationally recognised nation state. The thesis argues the case for the KRG becoming a nation state in two areas. First it argues that the Kurds constitute a distinct nation. This argument is made on the basis of a Kurdish ethnic identity stretching back millennia and inextricably linked to the territory in Northern Iraq currently under the administration of the Kurdistan Regional Government. The repression and rights violations suffered by Kurds at the hands of past Iraqi regimes are also evaluated in their effects on Kurdish people’s perception of themselves as perennial victims of the Iraqi state as a political project. The emancipatory significance of Kurdish nationalism is thus seen to derive from their experience as victims of a repressive state and the injustice Kurds suffered in the immediate aftermath of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The Kurds, having been promised autonomy after the First World War, were then denied it and found themselves spread across a number of nation-states in the Middle East (Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran) in which they were consistently persecuted. This strengthened Kurdish self-identity and culture, and their desire to have a nation state of their own. The second argument is made that on the basis of international law the Kurds and the KRG have a case for becoming internationally recognised state. This is made on two bases: the KRG is a fully functioning de facto state, with an administration, an armed forces and security. The KRG thus satisfies the criterion of Statehood provided in the Montevideo Convention. The KRG has also proved with its political and economic structures and institutions that it is internally capable of functioning as a viable state within the international political system. The other legal argument for a Kurdish independent state is made on the basis of Kurdish people’s past genocidal experience and the possibility of the Iraqi state responding with violence to a future Kurdish unilateral declaration of independence. These, it is argued, may enable the KRG to plead for recognition as a state on a sui generis basis. The thesis, however, acknowledges the odds against a future Kurdish state. This issue is discussed with reference to the dominant role of realpolitik in the recognition of states, and also with regard to how an independent Kurdish state may affect the interests of some powerful states in the international political system.

This thesis explores the influence of national identity on Romania’s post-socialist foreign policy agenda, working at the intersection of Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy Analysis. It adopts a constructivist approach, putting forward a narrative theory of identity, according to which profoundly held beliefs about the nature of the Self and Others influence the behaviour of states through the prerogatives, anxieties and redlines they generate. The thesis identifies the telling of national history as the main vehicle for the socialisation of the identity narrative. It then traces the development of the Romanian identity narrative, from its formative years in the nineteenth century to contemporary times, arguing that the sedimentation of its main features is linked to the consistency of its historical narrative. A particular emphasis develops in the Romanian imaginary in terms of prioritising the issues of state security, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity. The thesis then explores the influence of these elements on Romania’s post-socialist behaviour. It focuses firstly on the transition period, when identity-related prerogatives resulted both in a desire for Euro-Atlantic integration, but also in an anxiety towards change at domestic level which acted as an obstacle to the realisation of these international goals in the first half of the 1990s. Secondly, the thesis investigates the nature of three relationships critical to Romania’s foreign policy agenda – those with Russia, Hungary and the Republic of Moldova. Overall the thesis shows that there exists a noticeable pattern of behaviour which conforms with Romania’s identity-driven anxieties and prerogatives, particularly in the current volatile environment. Whilst relations with Russia and Hungary are marked by attitudes of anxiety and distrust, that with Moldova is characterised by an affinity rooted in their shared identity markers. This makes Romania acutely sensitive to recent regional developments and has resulted in the state’s adapting its behaviour towards these three actors in order to alleviate its identity-related anxieties concerning security, unity and independence, not only of itself, but also of Moldova.

Addison rentered parliament as a Liberal in 1910 after a distinguished medical career. He became prominent over the 1911 National Insurance Act, which began his long association with Lloyd George, He joined Lloyd George at Munitions in Kay 1915. Here he was much involved with manoeuvres that led to his chief becoming prime minister in December 1916. Addison now became Minister of Munitions, and, after many difficulties with labour, Minister of Reconstruction in July 1917 where he planned post-war social programmes. After the 'coupon election', he became in June 1919 the first Minister of Health. His main preoccupation here was building more houses, with state subsidies. This ran into many problems and Addison finally became Minister without Portfolio in April 1921. He quarrelled fatally with Lloyd George over social policy and resided over cuts in housing in July 1921. He lost his seat in 1922, But he now joined Labour, became involved in devising policies for agriculture, and was elected again in 1929. He became junior minister and in June 1930 Minister for Agriculture, Here, he drafted important legislation on marketing boards. In August 1931 he was amongst the Cabinet ministers to oppose MacDonald; he then lost his seat in parliament again. In opposition, he was very active both concermin agriculture and also foreign policy. He was briefly in parliament again and took a peerage in 1937. He later led the Labour peers. In August 1945 he became leader of the Lords and Dominions Secretary. He was also a major figure in Cabinet committees. He led the Lords with reat skill, including during the crisis over steel nationalization. He served throughout the Attlee government and died ii. December 1951. He was a consistent radical, a vigorous minister, a key figure in major political crises, and a notable progressive.

The thesis examines two threats to sovereignty: secession and state failure. It focuses on how the secession from failed states is approached, with particular concern for recognition and the associated ethical and practical issues. Many issues surrounding secession from failed states originated in the decolonisation era. However, the phenomenon began to become more prominent following the end of the Cold War, in part due to the fall of regimes supported by the superpowers. It is important to engage with these phenomena and their interrelationships as they have implications for sovereignty and state recognition, and in turn for the international system of states. Secession borne through state failure usually involves civil war perpetuated by a lack of central government control. This requires an approach from the international community that will settle grievances and ensure legitimate governance (whether in a unified or secessionist state, or both the secessionist and parent state) without leaving groups vulnerable or setting a precedent of secession that could undermine the international states system. The thesis examines attitudes within the international community towards secession and the concepts behind it and the ethical and practical issues involved, it then analyses the nature of state failure and its relationship with secession. It then examines two case studies of secession from failed states: South Sudan, and Somaliland. Generally, maintaining territorial integrity is favoured over allowing self-determination through recognising secession, except in situations where it is expedient, or a government is undermining its people’s rights (including that of self-determination). In cases of failed states, people’s security and basic human rights are neglected or subject to active persecution. The current anti-secessionist paradigm may therefore need to be altered in the context of state failure, since a failed state has less of a claim to sovereignty due to the absence of a legitimate government.

The primary objects of this thesis are to distinguish revisions made in British socialist thought between 1951 - 1961, and to explain why they occurred. The variety of socialist thought, different experiences and temperaments amongst revisionists, and the structure of the Labour Party, make the formulation of socialist theory difficult. But the events of the period induced socialists to review aspects of socialist thought. (Chapters 1 and 2). Doubts concerning socialist economic theories of exploitation and unearned income are noted in Chapter 3. But there are difficulties involved in the attempts of some revisionists to rest the case for socialism mainly on ideas of equality and liberty. Other revisionists revived the concept of "alienation" as a justification of common ownership, and sought a new form of "humanism". (Chapter 4). Some revisionists attempted to reinterpret the moaning of "revolution", seeking to make extra-parliamentary activity more respectable. (Chapter 5). Different opinions wore expressed about contemporary British society. Arguments turned mainly on new meanings attached to the word "capitalism" (Chapter 6). The problems of achieving a democratic transition to socialism, in an affluent society, revealed different views about the role of the Labour Party in Opposition. (Chapter 7). Some revisionists stressed the doctrine of the "diminished importance of ownership". This doctrine was associated with the desire of all revisionists to avoid a transition to a managerial society. (Chapters 8 and 9). Philosophical scepticism regarding the value of political speculation, diversity of opinion, and the complex nature of the subject matter, restricted the impact of revisionist ideas. There was a development of an earlier trend towards a sociological, rather than an economic, approach to socialism; a change of attitude towards ownership; doubts about the nature of capitalism; and a desire to disassociate socialism from any form of managerialism. (Chapter 10).

This study attempts to demonstrate a method of analysing political movements on a left-right continuum in terms of social class base and relative institutionalisation, with special reference to the centre of the spectrum, and suggests that the 'convergence' argument against the left-right model is lacking, that recent attempts to understand and complexify the model have failed, and that previous analyses of 'fascist' (i.e., in the terms of this study, highly uninstitutionalised centrist) movements fall short because they have concentrated on the study of structure rather than culture, the state rather than movement, and ideology rather than relative institutionalisation. The study compares the NPD with early Nazism, Poujadism, Welsh and Scottish Nationalism, Powellism, Gaullism and the Rassemblement Jurassien in terms of relative institutionalisation and social class appeal and support. It is considered to what extent the culture of German society, analysed in terms of verspatete Nation, the Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft dichotomy, 'nostalgia for synthesis' and a bipolar/multipolar, centripetal/centrifugal model, and the structures of the Federal German state, in particular in respect of organization of the Bundesrat, the method of electoral financing, the budgetary system and the recent enactment of emergency powers' legislation, influence the specific form of, and the prospects for, the NPD. These findings are then related to the potential conflict and consensus situations in modern, complex, industrialised societies, indicating the partly integrative nature of conflict and the non-necessity of consensus for the ordinary on-going process of the state, leading to some preliminary theses for a theory of political stability. Finally, the leanings towards empirical methodology employed in this study are defended against some of the recent attacks on behaviouralism specifically, and the sociological approach in general, in British academic journals.

The study of inter-state cooperation on the environment seems an incomplete way of understanding environmental governance in Southeast Asia. Focusing only on state cooperative frameworks and assessing the effectiveness of international regimes in terms of problem-solving not only leads to the conclusion that ASEAN fails to deal with the problems; this approach also fails to find a solution to improve the effectiveness of those regimes. This thesis applies the network approach to understand better the dynamics and potential for cooperation of actual governance activities operating below the level of inter-state cooperation. This thesis proposes that policy networks are a kind of governance mechanism supporting ASEAN environmental cooperation through better processes. To examine the influential role of policy networks on the development of regimes, the transnational haze issue and the illegal transnational trade in wildlife issue are selected as case studies to investigate the relationships between components of the macro-structure of networks and the effectiveness of regimes. A comparison of the two cases reveals the similar role of policy networks in sustaining the environment and supporting environmental policy through functional activities in the policy monitoring and implementation stages. However, varying levels of success in improving the effectiveness of regimes result from different political opportunities, which are determined by the nature of international cooperation problems and the attributes of regimes. Since cooperation in the form of networks can enhance the effectiveness of regimes, the connections between intergovernmental organizations and transnational non-state actors should be considered for developing countries as an option for improving international cooperation in areas that are not priorities for states.

Syria’s peaceful uprising turned into an armed conflict with Assad’s lethal response to demonstrations demanding dignity and freedom. Looking for an oppositional Syrian political power who might have influenced dynamics on the ground, light was shed on the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (SMB). As dictatorships toppled in 2011 in the region and were replaced by MB-related parties such as in Egypt and Tunisia, the interest into the previously exiled SMB increased as a Syrian alternative. Research in this area was predominantly concerned with SMB’s history, and did not examine how the SMB’s shaped the ongoing events in Syria, and how in return, the conflict shaped the SMB. This thesis analyses, mainly through exclusive interviews, the SMB’s evolution as a prominent Syrian opposition group both on the domestic and international level. Findings show a shift in priorities within the organization from the hierarchal system to a wide-spectrum approach through various charitable, social and political activities enabling the SMB’s reintegration into the Syrian society. Nevertheless, due to pressures from international and domestic powers, the SMB diluted into the wider opposing bodies and lost the forefront position within the political stage. The international scrutiny facing the SMB increased as the Egyptian MB experienced political damage following the military coup in 2013. This was followed by the threat- driven apathy from the Gulf states towards the MB. Western Governments also did not support the SMB despite the democratic and pluralistic vision for a future Syria being inherent in the SMB’s principles. Eventually, the SMB kept itself over water as Turkey and Qatar acted as a lifeline. The above-mentioned issues including wider historical links and the internal structures of the SMB creates a fascinating angle to the Syrian crisis which had not been researched before and provides the basis for future research on this ever-evolving situation.