The aim of this study is to present a critique of recent citizenship education policy in England and the discourse that it has prompted. It considers the important philosophical and political principles by which both of these are justified, and which often incorporate a commitment to the pursuit of social justice, democratic participation, inclusion and equality. In developing this critique the thesis draws on philosophical ideas which may be referred to as poststructuralism, particularly Foucault's concept of governmentality, and Derrida's concept of deconstruction to examine and expose the universalist principles of enlightenment philosophy upon which recent citizenship policy and discourse are based. In order to achieve this aim the thesis is divided into three parts. Part One provides a narrative account of citizenship education policy in England and considers the enlightenment philosophy on which it has been erected. Part Two develops a post-structuralist critique of enlightenment philosophy and uses this as a basis for reconsidering the project of mass education and schooling in general and citizenship education policy in particular. Part Three of the thesis criticises the discourse that citizenship education has prompted and develops a detailed critique of the particular approach to citizenship education emanating from the position of cosmopolitanism. Put briefly, the main conclusion to be drawn from the inquiry undertaken in the thesis is that recent citizenship education policy can best be understood as an exercise in liberal governmentality, with the aim of shaping "the conduct of conduct" within a normative, disciplinary rationality. However, although this conclusion renders problematic the ambitions of progressive-radical critique, including cosmopolitanism, to prescribe a citizenship education for democracy and social justice, it is suggested that these ambitions can be usefully reformulated through a deconstructive analysis of policy and discourse.

ABSTRACT: This thesis constitutes a critique of current citizenship theory, focussed on the ways in which various definitions of `culture' have gained recognition as part of citizenship's theoretical terrain. Through a qualitative case study of practice within the BBC, the thesis reflects on the limitations and potentialities of current scholarship, and suggests how a pragmatic cultural citizenship might offer a way forward. The thesis begins through an engagement with existing literature which produces distinct `models' of citizenship: liberal, liberal cosmopolitan, multi-cultural, and `deep cultural'. These models function as a conceptual `toolkit', and the following chapter demonstrates how, via public sphere theory, they can be applied to understand the relationship between communicative institutions and citizens. The relationship between citizenship theory and media practice is thereby made explicit, laying the foundations for subsequent empirical work. The empirical chapters take the form of a qualitative case study of policy and practice in the BBC. This begins with a brief analysis of the institution's policy history with respect to citizenship, and subsequently focuses on the 2006 broadcast Manchester Passion. The case study reveals how policy relating to issues including identity and participation was implemented at the micro-level. In doing so, the thesis explores how which different conceptualisations of citizenship function in concert with practical `logics' (including economy, cultural difference, and genre). Building on this analysis, the thesis concludes by suggesting that the BBC's practice was most effective when it adopted a pragmatic approach to cultural conflicts. This argument (described in terms of `cultural balance') is mapped back onto the models developed earlier in the theses, and used to propose that citizenship theory should seek to reimagine itself on a more fluid basis; one that recognises that citizenship is inevitably realised in socially and culturally specific circumstances.

The 18405 witnessed significant changes to the demographic, geographic, and political landscape of the United States. A huge influx of European immigrants to the country resulted in the rapid diversification of American society along ethnic and religious lines. American sovereignty had been extended across the continent through a combination of diplomacy and conquest, resulting in the incorporation of the territories of Texas, Oregon, New Mexico and California to the Union. Expansion had significant consequences for the political structure of the Union. Following the annexation of the new territories, a contentious debate about the future of slavery in the United States gripped the nation, exacerbating sectional tensions across the Union. These myriad profound changes to the socio-political and geographic landscape of the United States stripped away, to borrow Paul Giljee phrase, the 'supposed homogeneity' of the nation and forced Americans to grapple with questions of national identity This thesis examines antebellum political rhetoric about citizenship and national identity in the United States. The thesis examines the intersection of questions about national identity with major congressional debates about immigration, expansion. slavery, and the eruption of foreign revolutionary movements in Europe. The dissertation deconstructs a numb.er of the key issues dominating political discourse during the period leading up to and surrounding the 1848 election to explore how membership and citizenship in the American nation-state was debated and ultimately conferred or withheld from different groups. The overarching aim of the dissertation is to examine the consolidation of an American national identity taking place in the mid-19th century.

This thesis examines the role of identity and practices of identification in the British asylum system. Identity has become a 'keyword' (Shore and Wright 1997a) of asylum policy, despite its absence from the Refugee Convention and most international refugee protection guidance. The 'problem' and 'solution' of asylum have been reconceptualised as issues of identification. Ascertaining 'true' identities has become pivotal to the asylum system: from a claimant's arrival to the deciding of their claim and removal of those refused refugee status. Subtly differing models of identity are employed by the UK Border Agency to these ends. Over the course of an asylum claim, an initial emphasis on a bureaucratised identity shifts towards a bodycentred model. Drawing on 18 months of anthropological research with asylum seekers living in Oxford or incarcerated in a near-by Immigration Removal Centre, the thesis considers how the policy-level emphasis on identification feeds into tensions within the asylum system. For multiple reasons, asylum seekers and immigration detainees often struggle to have their identities accepted by the authorities. Reasons include their absence from identity databases, ignprance of 'key' identifiers, fabrication, withholding of information and a paucity of identity documents. Claimant's identities are also critically examined as part of refugee determination. As a result, asylum seekers often have disputed identities, lack bureaucratically-recognised identities or have multiple identities. An examination of the disjuncture between having one identity disputed and another officially confirmed, shows that people become 'stuck' in the system, are susceptible to criminalisation and are subject to exceptional treatment such as indefinite detention. Although being beyond identification techniques can provide opportunities and means for resistance, it also disempowers and marginalises non-citizens. As identity verification requirements continue to infiltrate the wider British society, those people beyond such techniques become increasingly bureaucratically problematic, and are simultaneously threatening and vulnerable to the state apparatus. By reconfiguring asylum and removal as matters of identification, the political dimension of the system is masked Qya veneer of administrative neutrality, and any incidents of illegibility or anonymity are portrayed as the responsibility and choice of the individual rather than matters of technology, power, bureaucracy or cultural difference.

There has been a long-standing debate on the relationship between corporate social responsibility and financial performance. An aura of mystery surrounds this relationship due to the mix of inconclusive, positive and negative results in existing research. This thesis aims to explore the same relationship but uses the customers of the organisations under study as the unit of analysis. A model has been constructed that aims to explain satisfaction with a socially responsible company in terms of the social responsibility of the individual customer, the customer's perception of what corporate citizenship should be, an appreciation of the company's values and the reputation of the company. Satisfaction is also hypothesised to lead to wider use of the company's services and to greater profit for the company. Thus one contribution from this work is to explain the link from social responsibility to profitability in terms of a fit between the customer's personal characteristics and the reputation of the company. The empirical setting for the research is two banks, The Co-operative Bank and smile, both operated by Co-operative Financial Services. The model was successfully tested on empirical data from a survey of the customers of both banks using Structural Equation Modelling. In all 3500 customers were surveyed. In order to test the model two measurement scales have also been developed, one to measure what has been labelled as socially responsible consumerism and another to measure corporate citizenship. The socially responsible consumerism scale focuses on understanding an individual's orientation to a socially responsible lifestyle. The corporate citizenship scale focuses on how an individual views a company's actions, specifically how he would want the company to behave. The results show that there is a strong relationship between socially responsible consumerism and corporate citizenship, i.e. the more a person is socially responsible in his personal life the more he expects the company he is dealing with to be a good corporate citizen and the higher are the ratings for the company and its reputation. Higher reputation leads to greater satisfaction with the provider and the purchase of more services. Higher satisfaction in tum leads to greater customer account profitability. The research concludes that (at least within its context) there is a positive link between good corporate citizenship and corporate performance and this link can be explained by the attraction of a socially responsible company to those who are themselves more responsible in their personal behaviour.

In recent decades, we have seen a resurrection of debates concerning what it means to be a citizen. Developments such as transnational migrations, rising socio-economic inequalities, the "War(s) on Terror", and political movements based on absolutist ideologies, continue to raise broader questions of justice, equality, quality of life and social cohesion. This research project aimed to study and critically examine perspectives of citizenship held by citizenship educators and the conceptions of citizenship that inform them. Because citizenship includes a number of dimensions. and given Britain's transformation into a multicultural . and multi-faith society with far-reaching implications for citizenship, this study concentrated on developing an understanding towards dealing with religious and cultural difference in the sphere of education. Additionally, qualitative interview data were collected and the q-methodology with thirty five citizenship educators across England. The research findings revealed that citizenship educators held one of three distinct shared perspectives (SPI. SP2, and SP3) on citizenship (as well as some areas of commonality). While there were overlaps among these perspectives, broadly, SP 1 gravitated towards the liberal conception of citizenship. SP2 placed great value on social-democratic citizenship and SP3 associated most strongly with multicultural citizenship. Moreover, all three viewpoints drew from features of cosmopolitan citizenship. In all. these teachers gleaned from beliefs, values and aims originating from a range of conceptions of citizenship to form their shared perspec tives. That said, it was contended that these conceptions of citizenship all entailed c ritic isms in perceiving and dealing with contemporary realities; therefore, a strategic approach with regard to the conceptualization and pedagogy of citizenship was proposed. This thesis argued that different conceptions of citizenship as well as visions of the 'Self' in relation to the 'Other' (exclusivist, inclusivist, pluralist) should be explicitly, openly and critically examined in the cultural. political and especially in the educational institutions of society.

The idea that taxation 'demands' representation is central to British and American historiographies that explain egalitarian forms of citizenship. Recently, the idea that taxation is relevant to state building in developing countries has begun to emerge among international development scholars. This thesis explores an empirical case for the idea that taxation inspires democracy and citizenship culture. It combines a detailed case study account of a tax-experiment in Sirajganj, Bangladesh, with an ethnographic account state-citizen interaction surrounding a local government body that took part in the experiment. The study shows that taxation can become a trigger for a wider discussion on justice, rights and correlative duties - enabling a conception of 'right' on legal-contractual, rather than patrimonial basis. A clear finding of the thesis is that given the opportunity for free speech, taxation can inflame underlying social tensions to motivate voice and action where normally citizens tread more carefully. The dissertation reviews a wide academic literature in order to contextualize a nexus of taxation, democracy and citizenship. It critically engages in the debate of foreign aid as a potential resource-curse that may displace the primacy local forms of voice and association. It highlights the fact that NGOs have become the most important institutional actor in Bangladesh, in organizing interests and providing for the poor. But given concerns over sovereignty, these foreign sponsored local interests may not seek representation in parliament. Where the state out-sources the delivery of fundamental rights, with respects to a significant part of the population, to foreign sponsored private initiatives - it becomes relevant to ask whether we a looking at a 'state without citizens'. Moreover, it becomes relevant to consider whet her taxation could be used as a tool to improve democratic forms of governance, as it requires interaction and public dialogue between state and citizens. Whether taxation could improve terms for citizenship in Bangladesh depends on meaning of 'citizenship'. The Bangladeshi legal framework for citizenship envisions expansive health and educational entitlements but limited freedoms of speech, association and insecure property rights. This framework for citizenship should be reconsidered since, given the state of the economy, it is unrealistic that the state could retain enough tax-revenues as to provide in accordance with the law. From a tax-feasibility point of view, Bangladeshi reformers are wise look to the American rather than European example, that exemplifies industrial state society relations. The American emphasis on protecting Individual forms of speech; right and property reflects a pre-industrial model for citizenship. In the agrarian setting collective forms of voice are difficult to organize and thus Bangladeshi citizens need an additional avenue of representation to empower citizens with formal rights. In the American example this is found in an expansive justice system, operating the principle of non-discrimination.

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The definition and problematisation of statelessness has been widely debated by scholars, who contemplate the distinction between between legal (de jure) and effective (de facto) statelessness. Recent attention to the denial of documentation which affirms nationality in creating the ‘risk of statelessness’ goes some way to bridging these two conceptions, as documents both attest nationality internationally and grant access to rights reserved for citizens domestically. However, scholarship on statelessness has yet to adequately explore the effects of documentation denial on the enjoyment of rights associated with one’s nationality and legal personhood, explain why denial of documentation towards individual members within a particular group can be uneven, and the very process of negotiating documentation. This thesis addresses these issues, focusing on agency over the documentation process. Based on interviews and an online participant observation, the thesis looks at a population of roughly 30 million children who are at risk of statelessness in China due to denial of the hukou, the document that affirms nationality. I discuss how China’s fragmented, ambivalent state generates spaces for uneven documentation denial and negotiations over the hukou. These negotiations by citizens in China can be understood through Scott’s concept of ‘everyday resistance’ as parents respond to the birthing, adoption and immigration policies which underlie documentation denial. When ‘everyday resistance’ fails, ‘rightful resistance’ (O’Brien and Li) illustrates how some parents obtain documentation for their children, and through the internet can mobilise other families in similar circumstances. I argue that spaces of ambiguity can also be appropriated by individual government officials and citizens in the context of these negotiations. The thesis offers a case study in a previously unexplored group. Taken as a whole it contributes to statelessness scholarship and in particular to our understanding of agency and negotiation in the denial and acquisition of nationality documents.