This thesis explores the co-production of public services in the case of asylum seekers in Glasgow. It makes contributions on the theoretical and empirical levels. First, it integrates two theoretical standpoints on co-production from the public administration/management and services management literatures. This integration forms the basis for the development of an original conceptual framework which differentiates three modes of co-production at the level of the individual service user: consumer co-production; participative co-production; and enhanced co-production. The thesis then extends co-production to consider organizational modes, considering specifically the role of voluntary and community organizations (VCOs) in the production of services. This discussion contributes to the expansion of the conceptual framework, by introducing the concepts of co-management and co-governance to refer to VCOs co-production in service delivery and in service planning and delivery, respectively. The result is the development of a ‘Typology of Co-production’ which differentiates all five types of co-production according to who co-produces public services and when. These two conceptual frameworks are used to explore the case of asylum seekers and the social welfare services they receive in Glasgow. The case of asylum seekers is particularly interesting given the marginal nature of the group and their legal position as non-citizens. This serves to sharpen the focus on co-production. Three research questions emerged from the theoretical work which are explored in the case of asylum seekers: to what extent is co-production dependent upon citizenship? Can co-production act as a conduit to build social inclusiveness and citizenship? And is individual service user co-production a prerequisite for co-production and partnership working by public service organizations? The study took a mixed methods approach, consisting of policy/practice interviews, a small survey of public service organizations providing services to asylum seekers and an embedded case study design of Glasgow, which involved a series of interviews, observations and document analysis. The empirical context provided a fertile ground to explore and better understand the five types of co-production differentiated in the theory. It further suggests that citizenship is not a prerequisite for each mode of co-production and also that the co-production of public services can positively impact the lives of asylum seekers, particularly around issues of integration.

There are seventeen million people in the world who are stateless, not considered as citizens by any state. They suffer due to the current function of citizenship in the nation-state system, occupying a legal space outside of the system, yet, their lives are very much blighted by the system itself. This research examines the possibility that global citizenship could be a means to address statelessness. Global citizenship, unlike (national) citizenship, is, in theory, inclusive, and membership is based on our shared humanity. However, when approaching the global citizenship literature, two concerns became apparent. First, there is a significant lack of theorisation on the stateless in the discourse, and second, some scholars make the assumption that a global citizen has citizenship of a state – which the stateless do not. To begin to overcome these concerns, this research develops and implements a stateless centric perspective on global citizenship, using it to analyse the situation of the stateless in the case of Lebanon. The stateless centric approach developed here, views global citizenship through the actions and perspectives of those addressing statelessness. With four large and protracted stateless populations, Lebanon provides an empirically rich context, within which to undertake this research. The findings of the stateless centric perspective problematise the received wisdom of citizenship, the nation-state and allows for the exploration of the expressions and tensions in the practices of global citizenship. Drawing on a contextualised understanding of these practices, a ‘patchwork’ approach to global citizenship is proposed. This sees the creation of a public political space as an act of global citizenship, when it draws on universal principles. These universal principles are used to justify this space, taking on an instrumental role. It is a patchwork as these spaces can be seen in the wider global context, as either directly or indirectly connected, through their shared use of universal principles. By centralising the stateless in our conceptualisations of the nation-state, citizenship and global citizenship, the value of taking a stateless centric perspective, and its ability to draw out further nuances in the debate, is shown.

This thesis asks questions about the meanings and practices of citizenship, and how they change in a context of violence. Questions of citizenship are relevant because violence shifts the fundamental circumstances for citizenship. Much of the existing literature on participatory governance and democratisation assumes a certain degree of safety and security, which is a distant reality for people whose daily lives are ordered by violence and insecurity. The overarching question at its heart is: what does citizenship mean in a context of violence? In order to answer this larger question, this thesis explores the following: • How does violence shape how people perceive and practice their citizenship? • How does a spatially‐specific context of violence and insecurity affect the way that the state acts and intervenes? What are different forms of authority (both legitimate and illegitimate) mediating the relationship of citizens with the state? And how do these different relationships shape the prospects for citizens claiming substantive rights? • How can participatory action research be used to investigate citizenship in a context of violence, where there are significant risks in speaking publicly about power, violence, and democracy? This thesis focuses on three specific dimensions of the citizen‐state relationship: a) the ways that the meanings of citizenship are formed (and the processes of socialisation that lead to a sense of citizenship); b) the ways that citizens are able to act in order to make claims on the state; the way that state and other forms of authority act in relation to citizens; and, c) the types of mediators that intervene between citizens and state institutions. The starting point for this analysis is the empirical reality of favelas in Rio de Janeiro, where power and patterns of authority operate in certain ways that are shaped by violence.

This research investigates the dynamics of the on-going conflict in the state–civil society partnership in South Korea. In recent decades, partnership has become a central strategy for welfare provision worldwide. In accordance with this trend, the Korean government has invited numerous civil society organisations to become local welfare agencies. The workfare programme (called the SSP) is a typical example of such partnerships. Because a large number of anti-poverty organisations have become frontline SSP Centres, the SSP is widely regarded as an icon of participatory welfare. However, contrary to the ideals of democratic governance, some critical studies have argued that collaboration with the state can render civil society agencies susceptible to state demands, gradually undermining their role as advocates for disadvantaged people. In light of such claims, this study has explored the actual politics of the SSP partnership by: 1) analysing policy documents; 2) conducting interviews with 42 actors in the SSP system; and 3) observing a Centre. This research confirms that partnership does not always guarantee a democratic relationship. SSP Centres have gradually been subjected to state intervention, and their open confrontation with the state has evidently abated. Yet SSP Centres have not completely lost their autonomy and spirit of resistance: rather, they have adopted informal and unofficial forms of resistance while maintaining apparent conformity with the state. These street-level activities constitute SSP Centres’ emancipatory role in defending the life-world of poor people against the capitalist state. The implication of this study for the politics of partnership is that current forms of state–civil society partnership need not entail the ‘mutual coproduction’ or the ‘complete co-option’ of civil society to the state. Partnership can be a site of ‘complex struggles’ where civil society actors continue to counteract the control of the dominant system in inflected ways.

Academic knowledge production on Palestine and its people has been very resonant for decades. Yet, and despite the high frequency of production, some aspects of Palestine and Palestinians have not been investigated nor brought together thus far. This composition fuses three reverberations that accompany Palestinians living away from their homeland: statelessness, diasporisation, and (de)mobilisation. The dissertation is approaching the study of the Palestinian diaspora as a musical composition which has not been heard yet, for that the study of Palestinians as a diaspora is yet to generate audible sounds, the study of stateless diasporas in general still falls under the category of abnormal, an investigation of the Palestinian diaspora’s political mobilisation is nonexistent, and the study of Palestinian statelessness under a non-legal lens has been mute so far, leaving a wide gap deserving further investigation. By studying the cases of Palestinian diasporisation in the heterogeneous settings of Belgium, Jordan, and Lebanon, and fusing a set of methodological approaches including taxonomy of analysis, (participant) observation, exploring verbal and nonverbal communication via interviews, and examining space & material culture, this research aims to investigate the effects of statelessness on the shapes, intensities, and dynamics of diaspora organisation and mobilisation. Investigating the heterogeneities of the Palestinian diaspora’s political mobilisation in the three studied cases echoed the criticality of the role of statelessness in homogenising what would otherwise remain heterogeneous due to the immense differences in the settings enabling or disabling movement. The effects of this statelessness, this absence of a backbone, touch various diaspora-specific elements including Palestinian-ness, historiographies, geographies, temporalities, autonomization, organisation, and mobilisation. All of which are aspects this composition investigates thematically by mapping theory to empirical findings. Fusing statelessness, diasporisation, and political mobilisation can open alternative doors to understanding peoples belonging to homelands not enjoying a state status in the era of states, examples of which are Kurds, Circassians, and Roma, to name a few. It helps comprehend the actions of peoples attempting to embrace their homeland by mobilising for its causes despite being isolated from it. Furthermore, studying the abnormal is a way to understanding both abnormal and normal alike; therefore, studying the stateless diasporas can help in reaching to better understandings of the stateless and the state-linked diasporas.

This thesis has two parts, which together seek to explore the political channels of responsibility for global injustice. While there is much that we might owe each other as persons, the thesis argues that our political arrangements and interactions generate further duties for citizens, both as a collective and individually, and for states as political agents. Part I explores what states, as equal agents in the global sphere, owe to each other. It presents two sets of duties held by states: firstly, non-relational duties of non-harm, rescue, and the provision of basic human necessities; and secondly, a relational duty to respect the principle of equality in negotiation. Drawing from this foundation, Part II offers an account of citizen responsibility for states' failure to fulfil these duties. The thesis supports existing claims that citizens ought to bear the burdens of their participation in the state but makes a further claim that citizens of liberal western democracies can be held collectively morally responsible for the unjust acts of their state. This responsibility is grounded in citizens' endorsement of democracy, their influence and benefit from state action, and their unique position to hold the state accountable. As a result of this responsibility, the collective can be blamed, punished (within limits), expected to apologize, and held liable for remedial duties. In turn, citizens will have individual duties to 'do their bit' in fulfilling these collective remedial duties, as well as the collective duty of holding their state accountable. Each citizen's share of these collective duties will be determined by their capacity and effectiveness in contributing to the fulfilment of the duties, and their share of the influence over, and benefit from, the injustice.

This thesis investigates social representations of citizenship in rural China. The research combines socio-cultural and political psychology to explore the transmission and appropriation of a culturally distant concept. It is assumed that knowledge transmission is contingent on communities' levels of openness and closure to the outside world, dependent on social identity and influenced by the local cultural discourses. The thesis expands the socio-cultural psychology of knowledge encounters through a model that integrates social identity and cultural discourses on the social representational process. The research consisted of a comparative field design, combining qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Using multistage sampling, semi-structured interviews and a questionnaire were conducted in five different villages in Wenzhou, China, each situated in a different position of the openness/closure continuum. Purposive sampling was used to select sites and quota sampling was used to select participants. It was found that social representations of citizenship centre on a dyad of political rights and individual rights and interests. Communities' levels of openness/closure influence people's normative evaluations of citizenship: democratic virtues are less valued in closed communities. Village leadership was found to affect people's knowledge and practice of citizenship. Identification with the shared civic identity led ordinary villagers and leaders to converge in normative evaluations. Cognitive polyphasia was found in local cultural discourses, which channel people's normative judgements and affect the representational process. Citizenship as social representations awaken people's political mind and as embodied cognition drives citizenship phenomena. While no formal knowledge of citizenship was found, rural residents regularly exercise civic rights and duties. The impact of external influence on social representations of citizenship suggests that in time modernisation will minimise regional differences. The thesis concludes that the political landscape in rural China is changing and civic education remains a pressing political issue for the people and government of China.

Concentrating on the time frame between the establishment of India's Constituent Assembly in 1946, and the passing of the Dowry Prevention Act in 1961, this thesis attempts to write an alternative history of India's transition to Independence, by applying the tools of feminist historiography to this crucial period of citizenship making, as a way of offering new perspectives on the nature, meaning and boundaries of citizenship in post-colonial India. It focuses on a cohort of nationalists and feminists who were leading members of two prominent women's organisations, the All India Women's Conference (AIWC) and the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), documenting and analysing the voices and positions of this cohort in some of the key debates around nation building in Nehruvian India. It also traces and analyses the range of activities and struggles engaged in by these two women's organisations - as articulations and expressions of citizenship in practice. The intention in so doing is to address three key questions or areas of exploration. Firstly to analyse and document how gender relations and contemporary understandings of gender difference, both acted upon and were shaped by the emerging identity of the Indian as postcolonial citizen, and how this dynamic interaction was situated within a broader matrix of struggles and competing identities including those of minority rights. Secondly to analyse how the framework of postcolonial Indian citizenship has both created new possibilities for empowerment, but simultaneously set new limitations on how the Indian women's movement was able to imagine itself as a political constituency and the feminist agenda it was able to articulate and pursue. Thirdly to explore how applying a feminist historiography to the story of the construction of postcolonial Indian citizenship calls for the ability to think about the meaning and possibilities of citizenship in new and different ways, to challenge the very conceptual frameworks that define the term.

Cette recherche doctorale est consacrée à l'analyse des perceptions de la citoyenneté française chez les immigrés originaires de Turquie et leurs enfants en lien avec leurs parcours migratoires. S'appuyant sur les différentes appartenances identitaires de ces immigrés, elle propose une analyse de l'articulation des appartenances particulières et de l'appartenance citoyenne qui se produit pendant les parcours migratoires. Cette analyse révèle les modes de compositions identitaires qui se réalisent d'une manière variée par rapport à des appartenances culturelles et politiques dans le cas des immigrés originaires de Turquie et leurs enfants. Les perceptions de la citoyenneté des enquêtés sont affectées, à la fois pour les immigrés et leurs enfants, non seulement par le lien établi avec la France du point de vue juridique, économique, social, culturel et identitaire mais aussi avec leur pays et leur culture d'origine via les activités associatives. Ce qui nous montre que l'appartenance citoyenne dans le parcours migratoire doit être analysée comme un processus qui débute en Turquie et qui continue en France, provoquant parfois des ruptures identitaires. / This doctoral research tried to analyze the perceptions of French citizenship among immigrants from Turkey and their children in relation with their migratory paths. Based on the different identities belonging, it studies the articulation of particular belongings and the citizenship belonging during the migratory paths. In the example of immigrants originated from Turkey, this analysis reveals the patterns of identity compositions that are realized in different ways in relation with cultural and political affiliations. The immigrant's perceptions of the citizenship are affected, for both the immigrants and their children, not only by the legal, economic, social, cultural and identity link with France but also with their country of origin and their native culture through associative activities. So that, citizenship belonging in the migratory process must be taken as a process that is beginning in Turkey and continuing in France, and sometimes causes identity disruption.

Le groupe de musique Zebda est né d’une aventure associative pendant les années 1980 à Toulouse.Composé de français issus de l'immigration maghrébine postcoloniale et des immigrations espagnoleset italiennes du début du XXème siècle en région Midi-Pyrénées, Zebda connaît un certain succès enFrance pendant les années 1990. En revenant sur l'histoire de la création du groupe, liée notamment aumouvement des marches pour l’égalité des années 1980 et à une aventure associative et militante quiaboutira à la création du Tactikollectif dans les années 1990, cette thèse cherche à comprendre etcaractériser l’outil musical Zebda. La problématique de recherche est la suivante : en quoi la musiquedu groupe Zebda permet-elle de questionner les fondements de la société française : son processus decitoyenneté comme son vivre ensemble ? / Zebda, a musical group from Toulouse, appeared during the 1980s. Closely linked to a local voluntaryorganisation, it includes French citizens of foreign descent, whose families migrated to the Midi-Pyrénées region from the Maghreb, but also from Italy and Spain. Zebda became famous in the 1990sas a “mixed band” playing “hybrid” music. This dissertation begins by analysing the conditions inwhich the band emerged and its relationships with the movement of the Marches pour l’égalité in the1980s, and with a militant organisation that will eventually become Tactikollectif in the 1990s. Then itshows that Zebda can be defined as a “musical tool”, which allows answering the question: How doesZebda’s music question the foundations of French society? That is, conceptions of citizenship andconditions for living together in harmony.