Borrowing from the theoretical insights of Europeanization and the related literature of new institutionalism, this thesis investigates the political and institutional interaction between the British government and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), an increasingly active and institutionalised area of European Union (EL') member state intergovernmental security and defence policy cooperation. Although academic literature has increasingly focused on theoretical and empirical examinations of the Europeanization of EU member state foreign policy in both individual and comparative frameworks, very little scholarly attention has been directed towards analysing these Europeanization dynamics in the specific policy area of security and defence. Recognising the central role of EU member state governments in shaping ESDP, this thesis conceives of the Europeanization of British security and defence policy as a dialectical process involving both the British government's attempts to project its national policy preferences to the EU level, as well as the domestic impact of its participation in ESDP institutions and operations over time. Through a careful empirical analysis of the political and institutional interaction between the British government and the EU-level political and institutional framework of ESDP utilising a process tracing approach, this thesis argues that over the course of the seven-year time period between December 1998 and December 2005 British security and defence policy underwent a gradual process of Europeanization. On one hand, it uncovers the British government's significant role in shaping ESDP during several key periods of its development including the run-up to Nice European Council and the negotiations over the European Constitutional Treaty. Conversely, it identifies the significant domestic impact of the British government's participation over time in the political and institutional framework of ESDP on the content and conduct of its security and defence policy, signalling a gradual top-down Europeanization of this policy area.

The aim of this thesis is to employ a specific idea of the late Philip Windsor - that of a cultural dialogue based upon the distinction between norms and values - and apply it to NATO in a contemporary context. According to Windsor, all societies translate their foundational values into norms: as such, a norm is a cultural expression of a value. While some cultures share the same values, they inevitably differ in the interpretations of those values. Thus, a cultural dialogue can take place if actors distinguish between their shared values, and the varying 'normatisations' of those values. Extended to NATO, although its members are united by a set of common Western values, they often clash in their expression of those values. For example, as General Sir Mike Jackson claimed, 'We must fight with the Americans but not as the Americans'. Why with the Americans? Because of these shared values. Why not as the Americans? Because Britons and Americans fight wars differently, and these differing ways of warfare are in accordance with different norms. Yet as this thesis argues, if NATO members engage in a dialogue which recognises this distinction, they can dynamically contribute to the re-invention of the Alliance in the twenty-first century. As such, this thesis seeks to make a contribution to the current debates surrounding NATO's purpose in the post-Cold War - and post 9/11 - world. Indeed, while many scholars and policy-makers question NATO's relevance, it shall be argued here that despite the lack of mutual interests or a common existential threat, NATO can re-invent itself via a cultural dialogue and a 'revaluation of values.' In cultivating an internal dialogue, Allies can seriously debate the differing cultural expressions of their values. And yet, they must also consistently undergo a 'revaluation' of the values which enhance life in their own societies, and which unite them in an Alliance. However, given the complex nature of the contemporary strategic environment, NATO members will inevitably need to act outside of the North Atlantic area. Indeed, as security is increasingly defined in terms of 'risks' rather than 'threats', Allies are faced with complex challenges which are transnational in origin and global in reach. Consequently, they will need to engage in an external dialogue with others - such as Russia and Pakistan - in order to combat these risks. Yet they cannot do so based upon the assumption that these values are universal. Thus, it is crucial for NATO members to acknowledge that their Western values are not 'exportable', and cannot be imposed upon other societies. Though their values provide a steadfast common ground within the Alliance, they do not provide a shared framework for dialogue outside of the North Atlantic area. In sum, this thesis seeks to make a timely contribution to the debates about NATO's future, and concludes that via a cultural dialogue and a revaluation of values, the Alliance can re-invent itself in the twenty-first century. Although there are other ways in which commonality and discord within NATO have been expressed - such as Karl Deutsch's depiction of an 'amalgamated' vs. a 'pluralistic' security community, and G.M. Dillon's adaptation of Oakeshott's categories of 'civil' and 'enterprise' association - this thesis argues that Windsor's idea of a cultural dialogue based upon the distinction between norms and values offers a unique insight into the potential re-invention of the Alliance, and thereby seeks to make a valuable contribution to the debates about NATO's future.

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This thesis looks at competing influences in Central Asia since 1991. It looks at all five Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, and identifies the three main powers with competing influences as Russia, Islam and America. It aims at showing which of these three powers is the most enduring and powerful in the region according to how strong its influences are. The strengths of these influences are investigated in relation to the fields of security, politics, culture and economics. This thesis argues that Russian influences are at present the strongest amongst most strata of the Central Asian population. Russification (which falls under cultural influence) in both its linguistic and behavioural forms is a profound contributor to Russia's firm role in the region. Russia's security, economic and particularly political influences have gradually grown in strength, giving the other two powers a larger challenge. According to this work, Islam is a growing power in the region and has gained momentum primarily as a result of internal factors in the region, although regional and global Islamic forces are also looked at. Islam's cultural and political influences are particularly effective in the development of Islam as a power in the region. Central Asia's geo-strategic importance was soon realised by Washington after independence. This thesis argues that competition and not cooperation characterised the relationship between Russia and America throughout the 1990's and in particular after September 11, which led to America's increased involvement in the region. The USA's economic and security-related influences have been the strongest and most successful. Its political influences have often been seen as counter-productive by pushing different segments of the population towards the other two powers. America's cultural influences come last. This thesis has consequently provided a platform for measuring competing influences from Russia, Islam and America in Central Asia.

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