Elimination of international violent armed-conflict is a founding aim ofthe discipline of International Relations (lR). Within JR, the dominant debate on the question of news media power to affect the re-creation of war, known as the 'CNN-effect', has been severely limited in its conceptualisation of humanitarian intervention, audiences, and imagery and it .has avoided deeper engagement with the question of war. Using t\1eoretical insights from the work of Elaine Scarry, James W. Carey and Wolfgang Jser, this thesis presents alternative methods of news media analysis that offer much wider possibilities for IR's project. This is begun by examining a series of academic analyses of 'prewar' news narratives 'On United StateslUnited Kingdom military intervention in Iraq (2003) through the CNN-effect structure and against a longer background to the conflict. My own theoretical and empirical exploration of UK newspaper texts then builds on and challenges these analyses. I focus on the two areas of neglect within them that correspond with the CNN-effect problematic: firstly on the representation of people and 'the public' in and through news media and secondly on to the consideration of war's harm, concentrating on the representation of the killing and deaths of human-beings in pre-war news texts. The final chapter links these themes in focus on the question of JR's founding purpose, looking at how the process of 'disappearing' of people and .violence may be changing through peace and citizens' journalism and how re-creation of news media is a crucial step in the re-creation ofwar as peace, conflict and non-violent contest.

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The thesis is concerned with the political practices of regional cooperation and integration in Central Africa. It examines how state interests shape processes of cooperation through Central Africa's regional organizations, and how claims about regional integration work in tum to shape state interests. Working on an initial hypothesis that regional interdependence and external actor's interests or preferences determine how cooperation -is institutionalised in Central Africa, it seeks to develop· an analytical 'framework to investigate the genesis and institutions of the various Central African organisations, Central Africa's response to cooperation in the region, and the critical role of external actors in contributing to changing regional interstate relations in Central Africa. More precisely, the thesis explores these dynamics in order to ascertain the paradoxical ways' in which claims about the regional character of Central Mrica also work as a practice of states so as to enhance the legitimacy of state elites, thereby undermining the possibility of any regional unity. Although the rhetoric of regionalism suggests a 'progressive' agenda that promises to enhance the interest of the people, it is a rhetoric that nevertheless legitimizes practices that systematically undermine the interests of the people. This paradox-is initially examined in broad historical perspective, especially in relation to the forms of rule in the colonial period. However, most of the thesis is concerned with how claims about regionalism have worked since narratives about the ~ legitimacy of colonial rule have given way to narratives about development and globalisation. It is concerned especially with the legacy of European models of integration, with the dynamics of the West Mrican Economic and Monetary Union, with the experiences of CEMAC, with emerging patterns of networking, with the structural form of specific institutions and with the role of international and non-governmental agencies. While much has changed since the process of decolonisation began in the 1960s, the deployment of claims about the region continues to legitimise elitist forms of gove~ent, and thus increases antagonisms between the elites and the people who are excluded from any meaningful political participation. Contrary to expectations generated by European models, claims about regionalism in Central Africa work precisely to affIrm forms of political rule that are increasingly regressive.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPeC) is Widely regarded as an organization devoted to producing 'policy relevant bl:lt not policy prescriptive' assessments of climate science. Most analyses assume that these assessments are insulated from the politics of policymaking, and consequently they fail to account for a range of politics that come into the assessment process through the development of climate science and the· IPec's organizational design. These politics including the ideology of modern and institutional politics of climate science, and the organizational politics the World Meteorological Organization, the Inte·rnational Council for Science, and the United Nations Environment Program. Using theoretical perspectives drawn from political sociology and business management studies, this thesis argues that IPee assessments are framed by ideological and institutional politics that act through an t· organizational design that concentrates power over the form and substance of these assessments in the science-administrators of the IPCC's ~dministrative bureaus. It further argues that t~ese politics shape the science of Ipce assessments to support predetermined policy preferences represented in the Marrakech Accords as technological and market-based emissions reductions arid technology transfers that serve European and american government interests in national security and economic growth.

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Traditionally, intelligence has been distinguished from all other forms of information working by its secrecy.Secret intelligence is about the acquisition of information from entities that do not wish that information to be acquired and,ideally,never know that it has. However, the transformation in information and communication technology(ICT)over the last two decades challenges this conventionally held perception of intelligence in one critical aspect: that information can increasingly be acquired legally in the public domain-‘open source intelligence’(OSINT). The intelligence community has recognised this phenomenon by formally creating discrete open source exploitation systems within extant intelligence institutions. Indeed,the exploitation of open source of information is reckoned by many intelligence practitioners to constitute 80 percent or more of final intelligence product. Yet,the resource committed to, and status of, open source exploitation belies that figure. This research derives a model of the high order factors describing the operational contribution of open source exploitation to the broader intelligence function: context; utility; cross-check; communication; focus; surge; and analysis. Such a model is useful in three related ways: first, in determining appropriate tasking for the intelligence function as a whole; second, as a basis for optimum intelligence resource allocation; and third, as defining objectives for specifically open source policy and doctrine. Additionally, the research details core capabilities, resources, and political arguments necessary for successful open source exploitation. Significant drivers shape the contemporary context in which nation-state intelligence functions operate: globalisation; risk society; and changing societal expectation. The contemporary transformation in ICT percolates each of them. Understanding this context is crucial to the intelligence community. Implicitly, these drivers shape intelligence, and the relationship intelligence manages between knowledge and power within politics,in order to optimise decision-making. Because open source exploitation obtains from this context, it is better placed than closed to understand it.Thus, at a contextual level,this thesis further argues that the potential knowledge derived from open source exploitation not only has a unique contribution by comparison to closed, but that it can also usefully direct power towards determination of the appropriate objectives upon which any decisions should be made at all.