The aim of this thesis is to address the issue of the broader geopolitical architecture of Eurasia using as a case study the Russian-Turkish diachronic relations which are being examined through an original and fresh geopolitical/geocultural theoretical framework introduced also in the pages of this research. The introduction presents a brief overview of the aims, issues and questions that this study expects to achieve, approach and bring up for discussion. This research is divided into three parts and each part contains two chapters. Part I deals with the general theoretical framework within which this study is going to be delivered. Chapter 1 critically assesses the existing theoretical geopolitical debate and aims to designate the reasons for the urgent need for the articulation of a new theoretical perspective. Chapter 2 introduces an original approach in the geopolitical theory under the label of the ‘Integrated Geopolitical/Geocultural Theory of the Median Space’. The suggested model makes two major propositions. First that there is a diachronic ‘Median Space’ identity in a specific geographical space which was never disappeared in the midst of the eternal ‘East’-‘West’ competition and is surviving even today. Second, within the Median Space region there is a specific ‘pattern’ on the implementation of International Relations which also remained unchanged throughout the centuries since all the regional and extra-regional actors are operating, consciously or unconsciously, according to its precepts. Having presented this newly introduced framework Part II and Part III of the research are trying through textual and empirical analysis, respectively to provide the necessary evidence that strengthen the abovementioned new geopolitical model. Part II through a historical-sociological-anthropological perspective tries to prove the first proposition about the viability of a Median Space mentality. Thus, as a case-study, it examines the diachronic geocultural and geopolitical identity of Russia and Turkey in chapters 3 and 4, respectively. Part III by engaging International Relations macroscopic and microscopic analysis through chapters 5 and 6, respectively aims to address the second proposition about the specific pattern that is being followed by all actors interacting in the Median Space. Chapter 5, in a macroscopic way examines the suggested pattern through a historical scrutiny of the relations between the spaces that nowadays is being characterized as Turkey and Russia. Chapter 6, in a microscopic way, depicts the contemporary developments of the region and tries to extract the evidence that could support the second Median Space proposition. Initially this chapter examines the ‘energy’ component through an analysis of the contemporary ‘energy game’ and then it approaches the ‘security’ component by moving from a micro-level to a macro-level International Relations analysis starting from the Caucasus area and expanding through the Black Sea-Straits-Aegean system to the whole Median Space region. Conclusion recapitulates the findings of this research.

A substantial amount of commentary has been dedicated to George W. Bush’s policy towards Iraq, with many perceiving it as a departure from traditional US foreign policy practice. The objective of this research is to address and challenge this contention. This thesis takes 1979 as the launching point from which to examine this assertion, as it is both the year in which Saddam Hussein gained power as president of Iraq and also the year when the United States began tilting favourably towards, and reviving its relations with, this country. To embark on this study a descriptive and analytical narrative of the evolution of US foreign policy towards Iraq is presented, ending with the George W. Bush terms of office. This study contends that US policy towards Iraq has two major dimensions: the first is US policy towards Arab Iraq and the second its de facto policy towards Iraqi Kurdistan; both are defined by US strategy at the supra-national level. To guide this study, continuity and change were used as guiding concepts for analysing US Iraq policy at the national and sub-national levels. The study argues that US Iraq policy is primarily one of continuity rather than change, as US national interests and security, as regards Iraq, are defined by the same fundamental concerns, regardless of the nature of the American administration in office. The research concludes that, from the inception of the Bush administration, and the attacks on 9/11 that followed, the actual invasion of Iraq and US actions in its aftermath were all guided by the same considerations and goals.

While each of the dominant theories of International Relations offers segmented contributions to contemporary foreign policy analysis – and consequently contradictory prescriptions for US-China policy – none of them simultaneously encapsulate the overarching historical trends in US foreign policy-making and the contemporary dynamics of foreign policy construction. This thesis, therefore, offers a historical account of the trends and traditions of US foreign policy through the lens of grand strategy; and follows this with an in-depth analysis of the post-Cold War era and the forces that seek to exert influence over the decision- and policy-making process. This aspect of the thesis concentrates on the three main sectors that battle for and claim policy-making dominance: the media; special interests and lobbies; and the executive branch itself. A proper understanding of how these three sectors interact is essential for understanding any underlying construction of US foreign policy, and in particular the struggle to marshal a contemporary grand strategy for China. From the Federalist Papers, to “Hearst’s War” in 1898, to the CNN Effect and controversies over press coverage of the Iraq War, the media has been an ever-present actor in US foreign relations; and yet its actual level of influence is difficult to ascertain. Like the media, the role of special interests has been a constant in US foreign policy and politics as a whole. Far from being the ‘conspiracy’ of popular imagination, lobbies and special interests have, at times, helped guide foreign policy – because they advocate popular policy positions, or because they are able to exploit disengaged policy elites. A final chapter analyses the importance of the president and other executive offices in the making of policy, building on the previous two chapters to present the case for an engaged president. Each of these chapters uses the problem of developing a grand strategy for China to examine and define a pluralist approach to contemporary US foreign policy-making. This study will conclude by locating the Obama administration’s early foreign policies and international experiences – again focusing on China – within this framework, and offer suggestions for how future policy issues could be surmounted through proper process.

The aim of this study is to provide a fresh analysis of middle-power states' capabilities within the international political arena, utilising an integrated experimental model to conduct a unit-level of analysis of Turko-Iraman relations with a focus on economic, diplomatic, political and military issues. The principal argument of this study is that the middle-power state is the key actor in the region, socially constructed within a distinctive political context; resisting super power hegemonic intervention, and having bargaining power with regard to more powerful entities. The socially constructed identities of Turkey and Iran are highlighted as key influences in foreign relations, leading to a complex dynamic between these 'reluctant neighbours.' The limits of their power are clarified as consisting of employing agent groups to manipulate internal threats and apply counter-terrorist/revolutionary politics, but falling short of sufficient to control transnational nationalism. Using this ethnic political card to negate each other's influence invites foreign power penetration into regional politics. Kurdish nationalism acts as an independent regional player and challenges the Turkish and Iranian political identities, both secularist and religious. Turkey and Iran endavour to apply the 'niche diplomacy' in energy and pipeline routes competition in the Southern Caucasus. The study, thus, examines the competing factors of the both countries' geographic adjacency as a stimulus for economic integration as a partial entrenchment against diplomatic mistrust, and preventing systematic regional integration within the last three decades within the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) framework. The role of Iran's nuclear ambitions and Turkey's western alliances are examined as influences on the countries' identities. Contrary to the systemic and regional circumstances of secularist Turkey, the messianic identity of Iranian religious nationalism has resulted in a nuclear weaponisation programme that not only militarises the domestic politics of Iran, but also undermines the countries' mutual trust, with a profound adverse effect on the countries' economic relationship. In order to increase the efficiency and explanatory power of middle-power state, this study amended the middle-power state theory, and successfully tested its applicability to Turkish-Iranian relationship through various variables related to international relations, international policy aspects of domestic political events, ethnic tension and economic relations.

This thesis explores China’s economic statecraft in the 20 years since the Tiananmen crisis and its role in China’s approach to national security. It examines the intertwined relations between the strategy of economic statecraft and the service of this strategy in China’s national security interests. It takes a regional focus of this relationship, using China–Africa and China–ASEAN as comparative examples. The thesis is structured in three parts. Part I first presents the theory of national security (Chapter Two) and the study of economic statecraft (Chapter Three). On the basis of the theoretical frameworks it raises two hypotheses respectively: first, for a rapidly-growing economy, like China, the focus on economic development affects its security concept, which makes China pursue national security by means of economic security; and second, on the pursuit of security interests, the strategy of peaceful rising leads to the preference on economic diplomacy, instead of military instrument, though the specific approach of economic diplomacy may vary by region. To verify these hypotheses, Part II starts with the analysis on China’s security concept (Chapter Four) and its mode of economic statecraft in diplomacy (Chapter Five). The scenario of the security situation in China indicates the importance of economic security due to the significant relevance of China’s political security and social stability – supporting the first hypothesis (Hypothesis I) – but military security in the neighbouring area is still prominent. The arguments on the role of economic statecraft in China’s diplomatic history since its founding in 1949 lead to the conclusion that, since the Chinese government largely defines its security concept as economic security with regional diplomacy predominating, the model of economic statecraft has shifted towards pragmatic security concerns and away from the ideologically based strategy of the past. Part III further demonstrates the inter-linkage between security interests and economic statecraft in China’s external relations, by exploring the strategic relations between China and Africa and between China and ASEAN. Chapter Six on China–Africa engagement identifies that the significance of Africa for Chinese security rests in the continent’s increasing role in resources supply to Chinese economy. The primary motivation behind the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation is to foster economic exchanges in resources through massive incentive strategies, foreign aid in particular. In comparison, Chapter Seven on China–ASEAN engagement argues that the relations with ASEAN are crucial for Chinese economic security and regional security especially. The China–ASEAN Free Trade Agreement is an approach of economic statecraft that seeks to minimise the negative effects of the South China Sea dispute with the maritime ASEAN states and to produce a transportation corridor for energy supplies through the continental members, bypassing the ‘Malacca Dilemma’ of the sea lanes. These arguments entirely support the second hypothesis. The thesis concludes that economic statecraft, being the strategy of economic diplomacy, has been playing an impressive role in service for China’s national security interests, illustrated in safeguarding regional security in the Southeast Asian area and economic security in the far African continent. However, China’s economic diplomacy towards the two areas is debatable: the aid policy towards Africa needs to be improved and the free trade agreement with ASEAN may not be effective in solving the disputes on the South China Sea.

The thesis discusses the role of the Christian Right in the US foreign policy decision making process. The research revealed that the Christian Right has long been fascinated with some international issues in general and US foreign policy in particular. The Christian Right’s interest in international issues increased markedly during years of the George W. Bush presidency. It successfully widened its activities from domestic social conservative issues to foreign policy issues by participating in, articulating and lobbying for its religious version of American foreign policy. In assessing the role of the Christian Right in US foreign policy making, this dissertation examines three aspects of US foreign policy, namely Israel, international religious freedom and global humanitarianism. Based on these aspects, the Christian Right is seen as skilled in framing and defining issues. The Christian Right seems effective in selecting and prioritizing international issues that have a reasonable chance of being selected by foreign policy decision makers, especially in Congress. Moreover, the Christian Right has shown its maturity in seeking engagement and cooperation with other organizations, secular and religious, in order to advance its international goals. Finally, in pursuing and conveying its international agenda, the Christian Right has adopted a more moderate and less overtly religious approach. Instead of using its traditional religious rhetoric, the Christian Right has successfully projected its foreign policy preferences into the conventional realist discourse of American foreign policy that is largely based on the objective of national interest and national security. Nevertheless, this study does not, in any way, conclude that the Christian Right was able to influence or determine the direction of US foreign policy and its outcomes; however, it does suggest that the Christian Right did contribute and have an impact on the formulation of some US foreign policy. As such, the research contends that the role of the Christian Right is similar to other interest group lobbies and that its perceived influence on US foreign policy should not be exaggerated. Finally, the research suggests that the emergence of the Christian Right as an actor in asserting its global agenda through US foreign policy can possibly provide an example of how religious beliefs and values can become a potential source of “soft power”. Together with the “climate of opinion” of the American public during the Bush administration, the “soft power” at domestic level could serve as a valuable new explanatory variable in understanding how the US foreign policy was formulated in the early 21st century.

Constructivism is sociological, constitutive and manages to incorporate both positivist and post-positivist methods of analysing the international system, although how well it combines the two is much disputed. It has produced a large amount of theoretical and empirical work detailing the constitutive and procedural norms of this system, and it has (largely) done so by placing a premium on the lives, characteristics and contributions of humans within it. As such it is often regarded as the most fertile ground within International Relations (IR) theory for bringing together theory and practice into a coherent whole. But how normative should it be? Critical scholars, mindful perhaps of the Third Debate origins of constructivism, strongly suggest that it should be more normative in its outlook, and thus able to direct the flow of international theory and practice rather than simply report on it. It is adept at cataloguing and interpreting the institutions and standards which constitute the international system, and the procedures and behaviours that govern it, but not the values which many see as underpinning it. This thesis will test this claim. It will do so by using the currently most visible and even tangible expression of values in the international system - the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - to anchor an otherwise metaphysical concept. The capacity of constructivism to engage more consistently with human rights will be assessed by critically analysing three key expressions of the approach namely those of Alexander Wendt, Nicholas Onuf and Andrew Linklater. This triangulation opens up a new intellectual space which enables an exploration of the broad range of constructivist positions, in order to appraise how they cohere and diverge on this subject. This in turn allows for the conclusions that constructivism does engage with values, but that it is not suited to furthering a purposive, moral agenda. Any attempt to push its boundaries towards a more critical formulation divest it of any meaning as a category of international theory.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.