This work began in reflection upon the form of tourism in Ubud: in which rapid economic change and profound cultural conservatism appear combined in unlikely symbiotic relationship. It became, in the field, a set of parallel enquiries into tourism, economics, politics, ritual, spatial organisation and history linking Ubud with wider local, regional and global processes. My provisional argument goes something like this. The economic development associated with tourism has resulted in Ubud not in a wholesale replacement of the forms of traditional culture with those of international capitalist culture but instead with conservation, development and intensification of aspects of traditional culture. Tourism is in fact built upon the marketing of an image of traditional culture consisting primarily of the performing and plastic arts and an aesthetic of village life combining agricultural production and ritual activity. In practice tourism has transformed the economic foundations of this way of life from dependence upon agricultural production to dependence upon a whole new sector providing goods and services to tourists. This transformation has had varied effects upon the components of the marketing image. One the one hand it has made possible profitable commoditisation of traditional arts but on the other it has marginalised the agricultural sector in a number of ways. The relationship between tourism and ritual activity is less direct. While people have resisted direct commodification of ritual, they recognise its role as a tourist attraction. Ritual practices and the temples in which they take place have however been the subject of massive redevelopment. While the forms of these are traditional, their content is linked to tourism in more complex ways. This process has not been ad-hoc but has been the subject of de-facto management by various parties including the traditional aristocracy, foreign expatriates, government and an emerging middle class. This management has been enabled and limited by access of the various parties to key resources including English language, land, cultural knowledge, investment capital and government contacts. This thesis does not report on all of this but represents in effect a report upon work in progress, providing a broad overview and the first stage of what is now seen as an ongoing research project. It is presented as a series of linked sections designed to be read at three levels: 1. as stand-alone contributions to various sub-fields of Bali studies, 2. as a set of relationships between these sections which contribute to the argument outlined above and 3. as the outline of a larger research project linking Ubud into processes of wider geographical compass and historical depth. It begins with description of contemporary Ubud, the transformation of its economy and a brief history of tourism. The relationship between ritual and economy is discussed both in general terms and ethnographic detail to provide insight into the context of cultural ideas in which tourist development has taken place. The spatial organisation of ritual reveals patterns of cultural order and political influence requiring historical analysis which in turn focuses attention on the role of the traditional aristocracy and changing patterns of control over land and labour as key factors in understanding the contemporary situation. Keywords: anthropology, Bali, economy, history, Indonesia, ritual, tourism

This thesis contributes to the debates over the conceptualisation of enterprises involved in agriculture, the industrialisation of agriculture and the reproduction and subsumption of family farms. In making this contribution, a framework is developed for the examination of work relations and forms of production in apple orcharding and dairy farming in New Zealand. It is argued that many of the intense debates in the literature result from the research perspectives which are used - principally Marxist perspectives. While sympathetic to Marxist theory, a realist perspective is adopted to lessen these problems. Middle-order theory is developed to fill the gap between high political economy and the concrete world of agricultural production. The theory suggested here is tangible in the world of experience. Three themes, all of which are undervalued in the literature, guide the theoretical discussions - work relations, the biophysical basis of agricultural production and the concept of different forms of production. Flexibility is the concept used to integrate these themes. In the first stage of theoretical development and integration, two types of conceptually different workers are theorised: wage workers and self-employed workers have different motivations for work and different flexibilities in doing their work. From this basis, a functional typology of work relations in agriculture is developed, which differentiates all workers and enterprises. In the second stage, the flexibility of workers is matched with the labour demands of hypothetical production systems which are based to differing extents on biophysical resources. Some of these production systems are able to be controlled and consequently made more amenable to wage labour than are others. The third theme argues that two conceptually different forms of production exist – simple commodity production and capitalist production. The generalised exchange relations of capitalism are held to be a necessary condition for the emergence of simple commodity production. The power of these conceptualisations is tested by extending the concept of simple commodity production to include sharecropping. It is argued that non-ownership of the farm is the only criteria by which sharecroppers can be excluded from being classified as simple commodity producers, and this is less important than the ownership of the share contract. Apple orcharding and dairy farming in New Zealand are the focus of the empirical part of this research. First, the production system for each industry is established in relation to their dependence on biophysical systems. Then secondary data, and the information from postal questionnaires and interviews with key informants are used to examine the social relations of production in core regions of production, and in regions where each industry has expanded substantially during the 1980 to 1994 period. The production system for apples features two distinct demands for labour which are related to the biophysical inputs. One is a relatively small, permanent work force which must be flexible to attend to the capricious nature of the biophysical resource, and the other is relatively large, lumpy demands for labour, especially at the harvest. These lumpy demands for labour can be met only by accessing external labour markets. The forms of production in the apple industry are distinguishable as either simple commodity producers or capitalist producers. The family enterprises are categorised as simple commodity producers, despite, in some cases, a relatively low contribution of labour by family workers to the enterprise. The three large, fully-capitalist apple producers have reduced their exposure to apples, an indication that the prospects for regular sustainable profits by capitalist producers from apple production are not sufficient. The milk production system is characterised by a demand for high levels of permanent numerical flexibility and high contributions of family labour. Its pastoral basis imposes limits on the scale of individual farms, and these farms are ideally suited to family-based enterprises – simple commodity producers. Sharemilking is an integral part of the industry. Despite the lack of farm ownership, these sharecroppers can be classified as simple commodity producers. That the large-scale capitalist dairy farmers use mostly 50/50 sharemilkers to operate the majority of their farms supports the contention that sharemilking is the most efficient way for capitalist farmers to organise production. The apple industry is more amenable to the capitalist form of production than pastoral dairy farming because of the higher seasonal demands for labour external to the family, the lower levels of labour flexibility required by the production system and the limits of scale which are part of pastoral dairy farming do not exist in apple orcharding. Yet simple commodity producers are likely to persist in apple orcharding because of their inherent characteristics as a form of production. While capitalist producers must make a certain profit to maintain their presence in any industry, the motivation of simple commodity producers revolves around the duality of household and enterprise, and its reproduction Key words: Work relations, Flexibility, Biophysical conditions of production, Simple commodity production, Capitalist production, Sharecropping, Sharemilking, Subsumption, Apple orcharding, Dairy farming, New Zealand.

A fairly comprehensive treatment of the main features of Tokelauan sentence structure is the central aim. The syntactic analysis is presented within a framework which is an adaptation of Chomsky's 'Standard Theory' but special consideration is given to the problem of squaring a grammar based on formal evidence with a functionally-based analysis of sentences. The principal modification to the Standard Theory is the readoption of kernel sentences and generalized transformations, i.e. a partial reversion to the transformational model proposed in Chomsky's Syntactic Structures. Thus, the output of the base rules is a set of simple sentence structures, with no embeddings. The treatment of other aspects of Tokelauan included in this analysis are described below in a brief synopsis of each chapter. Chapter 1 is introductory, serving to locate the language, place and the people of Tokelau. Previous discussions of the position of Tokelauan within the Polynesian group are reviewed, and a basic vocabulary list is provided together with Cognate percentages shared by Tokelauan of Samoan, Nanumean Ellice and Sikaiana. The aims and scope of this analysis are then discussed in the context of a brief survey of earlier syntactic studies of Polynesian languages, and of the various grammatical models applied to Polynesian or developed in recent theoretical work on syntax and semantics. Chapters 2 and 3 are essentially referential, presenting lists of all the grammatical elements and rules to be discussed in later chapters. Chapter 2 has two parts. In Part 1 the segmental phonemes of Tokelauan are described, along with the practical problems associated with the choice of orthographic symbols. In Part 2 the functor (grammatical) morphemes of Tokelauan are listed and their uses exemplified. Chapter 3 lists the categorial rules of the base component and some transformational rules. Chapters 4-6 discuss evidence for and against the formal analysis outlined in 3. Chapter 4 treats the major categorial (phrase structure) rules, stating the procedures used to determine immediate constituents, and defending potentially controversial parts of the analysis against alternatives. Formal and functional analyses are made independently, then compared. In Chapter 5, certain transformational rules of Tokelauan are examined with illustrative examples. The final chapter is in two distinct but related parts. First the grounds on which Hohepa based his ergative-accusative classification of Polynesian languages are summarised, and reviewed in relation to the evidence of Tokelauan. One result is a rejection of the concepts of direct object (and so, of transitivity) and of an active-passive transformation a s significant grammatical relations in Tokelauan. The later sections examine certain functional relations associated with the constituent analysis of sentences particularly the functions of case markers. This exercise provides a framework for verb classification in Tokelauan.

The coastal fortifications of the port of Auckland, New Zealand, from 1885 to 1925 are studied in depth, from an historical archaeology perspective. An understanding of their wider context is essential to an understanding of the sites themselves, so a study is made of European artillery and fortification practice and technology from the 14th century onwards, with an emphasis on the coastal artillery practices of the British Empire in the 19th century. On this foundation, coastal fortification practices in New Zealand in the 19th century are examined, and the political background to the construction of coastal forts is outlined. The social and economic impact of the defences are studied, and the resources used in their construction detailed. Land acquisitions for the defence works in Auckland are examined. With a thorough understanding of their background and context (both national and international), Forts Resolution, Bastion, Takapuna, Victoria, Cautley and the submarine mining depots are then studied in detail, with limited excavations, extensive field survey, and the use of comprehensive archival sources. Fina1ly, it, is concluded that the forts built in Auckland between 1885 and 1925 were a product of the colonial experience, in that, they were a complex technological product of imperial demands and needs, and had little relevance to the realities and requirements of a small and remote colony 20,000 km away from the imperial centre. The thesis is a study of the ‘disappearing gun’ period of coastal fortification, and also an acknowledgement that much of the evidence of this once socially and economically significant activity has been destroyed. To assist the reader, there is a large bibliography, and appendices containing a comprehensive glossary, a list of New zealand defence schemes from 1840 to 1914, a list of site record numbere, and biographical details of the key fort builders.

Class mobility in farming works both ways, some farmer's children are unable to afford a farm, while others from non-farm families do succeed in farm ownership. The literature reviewed in this thesis suggests this situation is related to New Zealand's economic history. In the past small family farms have benefited from both secure markets and governments whose interests have been closely bound up with high productivity. This has led the state to offer cheap credit to prospective farmers with little cap1al of their own. Upward mobility has been possible, but at the same time state support has enabled relatively small farms to remain viable, and many of these are unable to secure farm ownership for all family members. In this thesis I explore class mobility and career patterns among farm employees and consider their wider implications. There are many ambiguities in farm employment in New Zealand which stem from the predominance of petty bourgeois farm owners. Such farmers must deal with the capitalist markets of other sectors when they purchase inputs or sell their product but family workers may act as a bulwark against commercial pressures by accepting lower incomes. Similar conditions may be forced on working class farm employees with no chance of ownership. The high number of people leaving farm employment offers indirect confirmation of such problems and this thesis investigates the context in which departures occurred. Farm employees consist of three groups, those without interest in farm ownership, those with an interest and little chance of success, and those whose family background ensures farm ownership. Many farms only have one employee and take on non-family labour for short periods when the family labour which would otherwise do the task is unavailable. Some of the people they employ are offspring of neighbouring farm owners. This variation in class interests has exacerbated the disinclination of farm employees to lake collective action in the face of poor wages and conditions. By tracing a sample of farm employees through the electoral rolls over a period of ten years, I have been able to contact three groups of farm employees: those who have left for non-farm work in the intervening period; those who have been farm workers for at least ten years; and those who have since become farm owners. This has given me an insight into the proportion of farm employees who take up farming hoping to own their own farm, and the problems involved in succeeding. People who have left farming also provide an important perspective on farm employment. I have correlated outcome of career by various background factors, principally father's occupation, aspiration, and education. Job history is also important to my analysis. All these factors influence class mobility, and may either increase or mask the action of each other in different circumstances. By looking at mobility I will demonstrate the way class relationships impinge on individual lives.

Using a voluntaristic theory of action and Buckley’s (1967) paradigm of complex adaptive systems, explanation of the process of change in organisations is attempted. The specific question addressed is why some changes, rather than others, are incorporated into organisational arrangements. This thesis has three parts. The first is a theoretical statement of Buckley’s model and an argument for the extension of this scheme in two important respects. The second is an extended case study of a psychiatric ward of a general hospital to which the model is applied. The third is a theoretical re-statement of the original paradigm in the light of this application. Buckley’s model was used to identify: 1. The external and internal variety which may affect an organisation 2. The tension-producing factors within the organisational arrangement which constrain actor’s choice of response to variety 3. The processes whereby actors selectively map responses to variety 4. The processes for the transmission and perpetuation of stable accommodations to variety. Two adaptations were made initially to Buckley’s scheme. To explain more fully the process of ‘mapping’ ((3) above), two constructs are proposed, derived from the concept of the phenomenal ‘self’. These are ‘meaning system’ and ‘dramatic repertoire of self-presentation’. Inclusion of Koestlers’ (1967) concept of the open-ended hierarchy of awareness is suggested as a theoretical solution to the problem of homeostasis ((4) above) in systems of action. Argument for the use of an open systems approach in general, and Buckley’s paradigm in particular, together with the proposed amendments of Buckley’s scheme is presented in Chapters I and II. The case study is presented in Chapters III-VIII. Chapter III is a review of the historical factors which provide the context for the study, while changes occurring in the nursing, medical and non-medical sub-systems are discussed in turn, in Chapters, IV, V and VI respectively. Chapter VII identifies four scenes of social encounter in the ward and discusses the process of interaction occurring in each. Chapter VIII is an epilogue which examines briefly the outcome of events mentioned in the earlier chapters. Chapter IX is a statement of the conclusions drawn from the case study. The value of Buckley’s paradigm in the construction of an extended case study is demonstrated and the importance of the concepts of ‘mapping’ and ‘perpetuation’ is highlighted because they permit explanation of macrosocial processes which remain fully within the social context and point to the importance of identifying the dramatisation of power in social encounters. The initial harnessing of action theory and systems theory concepts was found to be too limited. A theoretical solution is, therefore, proposed in Chapter X which is capable of explaining system elaboration in the two dimensions of ‘organisation’ and ‘self’. The model takes into account the dialectic tensions existing between ‘self/organisation’ and ‘stability/change’, and differentiates between evolutionary and revolutionary change, making explicit both the constitutive processes of interaction and the interplay of forces affecting the individual and social order.

This thesis is an ethnographic account of the kleva of central Espiritu Santo, Vanuatu - a handful of healers credited with powers beyond those of their neighbours. Their concerns include matters like illness, sorcery, witchcraft, spirits and dreaming. The account is based on seventeen months field research among the Kiai-speaking population on the south-east side of the upper Ari valley in south central Santo. My method is primarily descriptive. In the main body of the thesis I give accounts of face-to-face encounters and conversations with the kleva and their neighbours, attempting to build up a picture of the kleva that takes into consideration not only what they do, but also the meaning of their activities for themselves and for their neighbours. In the conclusion I discuss the relevance of my material to some problems in the ethnography of Melanesian religions. I also raise issues of interpretation, seen to lie at the core of both topic and method in ethnographic pursuits. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

There have been no studies in New Zealand designed to investigate the effectiveness of the major "systems-based" intervention programme available for intellectually handicapped children; the service offered by the New Zealand Society for the Intellectually Handicapped. The Society does not have a standardised programme running in all its Preschool/Special Care Centres throughout the country. However, the Auckland branch developed a formalised approach to programming and teaching in 1979. This study attempted to determine the effectiveness of this new approach in terms of the children it was designed to benefit. It was found that children attending Auckland Preschool/Special Care Centres did show greater rates of progress than children attending Preschool/Special Care Centres outside Auckland for a variety of different skills. For Downs Syndrome children these were self-help, cognitive and language skills. For motor-delayed multihandicapped children the skills were selp-help and language. These differences persisted when differences between the social and environmental backgrounds of the children from Auckland and outside Auckland were controlled for. It was also found that Downs Syndrome, motor-delayed multihandicapped and normal children showed different rates of progress for motor, socialisation, cognitive/academic and language skills. Rates of progress were not different for self-help skills although the absolute level of achievement was significantly different for the three populations. The three groups of children showed different rates of growth in a variety of physical measurements, and different absolute sizes in several others. Downs Syndrome children have shorter limbs than either of the other two groups of children. They also have the narrowest jaws and a small thorax. Motor-delayed multihandicapped children have the smallest limb diameters but have the longest faces. Downs Syndrome, motor-delayed multihandicapped and normal children differ in several ways in their social and environmental backgrounds. Parents of Downs Syndrome children are older than parents of the other two groups. Mothers of intellectually handicapped children are less likely to have a job than mothers of normal children. Different health records are evident between the three populations. Normal children tend to be seen as more healthy by their parents. Intellectually handicapped children tend to have less ascorbic acid in their diet than normal children. Downs Syndrome children are more susceptible to minor environmental fluctuations than motor-delayed multihandicapped or normal children. The cumulative effect of this hostile environment can be seen in their short stature and smaller overall body dimensions compared to normal children. Motor-delayed multihandicapped children do not show the same reaction to the environment as Downs Syndrome children. In this more severely handicapped group, the effect of the motor and intellectual handicap over-rides any effect the environment might have. However, nutritional intake is closely related to physical growth in these children. This is because in most cases exercise does not mediate between nutritional intake and physical growth.

This thesis considers the 'spirits of governing' that currently frame youth justice approaches to Samoan youth offending in New Zealand, today. It claims that, in the current management of Samoan youth offending cases, three main spirits of governing are in play. These are the spirits of neo-liberal risk management cultural appropriateness, and faaSamoa. All three spirits operate simultaneously, in multilayered and intersecting ways. Gaining insight into this complexity is critical to building an understanding of the points of tension that may arise in the operationalisation of 'culturally appropriate' youth justice policies in the case of Samoan youth offenders. To highlight the complex character of these spirits of governing and their relationships, the thesis first describes each spirit of governing and then considers how they compete, intersect and/or diverge through a close analysis of seven youth justice cases. Analysis of each of the seven cases is based on interviews with a Samoan youth offender, a family representative, their CYFS social worker, police youth aid officer, Youth Court youth advocate and a community intervention programme worker. The key sites of government examined in this work are those of the family, the Youth Court, the youth justice family group conference and a community intervention programme service. The thesis reveals that to gain nuanced understanding of the complexities of managing a Samoan youth offender case, it is not simply a question of knowing what 'spirits of governing' are at play, one also needs to examine how they play. I contend that these three 'spirits' have specific relationships with each other. In youth justice, neo-liberalism opened up space for cultural appropriateness which, in turn allowed for the circulation of the faaSamoa. These three 'spirits', however, can not be reduced to each other because of their differing understanding of governmental strategies, techniques and subjects. In particular, they differ on their understanding of the role of families, of collaboration and of cultural expertise. Consequently, for example, while these three 'spirits of governing' 'agree' on the value of cultural appropriateness, they do not 'agree' on how it should be defined and measured. Too often when politically sensitive programmes or policies, such as those involving ethnic-specific cases, do not work, the response from politicians and programme personnel alike is to couch their failures in overly simplistic terms. This work seeks to indicate the importance of developing culturally nuanced models of analysis that can engage in the complexities of governing across cultural divides, in the improvement of practice in the field and in the development of a sociology capable of enhancing cross-cultural understanding.

For a century the development of power resources has contributed much to the geography of New Zealand. Today, more than ever before, the direct significance of energy production is seen, at the mine or dam site, on the road or railway, and indirectly in the home, the farm, and the factory. Nor is the situation static. Large dams and associated villages stand in areas which only a decade ago were remote and uninhabited, lakes are being drained and swamps reclaimed in the search for coal, and a man-made thermal area has been created, as spectacular as any natural one. Plans are made and changed, and before one large power development is completed another has been commenced. Energy is outstandingly important in the daily lives of New Zealanders yet only meagre information is available on New Zealand power resources and still less on the geography of those areas characterised by power resources and their exploitation.