The deviance and alcohol literatures do not theorise expectations about minimum levels of alcohol consumption in any significant detail. Nor do they develop the notion that drinking less than is expected can be defined as a form of deviance. In response to this gap in the literature this thesis introduces and elaborates the concept of "underconsumption", defined briefly as the violation of minimum drinking norms. The thesis is also concerned to describe the key processes through which minimum drinking norms are produced and reproduced in social occasions' to demonstrate the public health significance of minimum drinking norms, and to provide evidence for the reality of "underconsumption" as a form of deviance in New Zealand society. Empirical research relied on face-to-face interviews, phone interviews, and postal surveys of 113 men - most of them abstainers or "light" drinkers. The main rationale was that likely violators of minimum drinking norms would be the most likely to have noticed and remembered the expression of minimum drinking norms. Transcripts and questionnaires were analysed with the assistance of qualitative database software. An important finding was that minimum drinking norms are in evidence throughout a broad cross-section of New Zealand society. It was also concluded that two of the main processes through which minimum drinking norms are produced and reproduced - people's reactions to abstention and lighter drinking styles and alcohol-centred hosting practices - continue to be in evidence. The relevant reactions and practices were also identified in a wide range of social groups. Furthermore, the case was presented that minimum drinking norms have potentially negative consequences for both individual "underdrinkers" and for societal levels of alcohol-related problems. These findings have important implications for the public health community and it is suggested that reference to a developed theory of "under-consumption" may have potential benefits for the planning of public health strategies and for public health policy. This research can also be seen to contribute to the alcohol literature, the deviance literature on alcohol, and the broader sociological literature on deviance. In the latter case, the analysis of "underconsumption" is most valuable by virtue of its status as "beneficial deviance".

This thesis describes the process of concentration and centralisation of the top New Zealand corporate class fraction at three levels - the corporate agent, the corporate agency and the corporate structure. These three different perspectives are seen, first, at the level of the empirical evidence of concentration and centralisation over time, and second, at the level of theoretical explanation and lastly, at the level of the sociology of knowledge, that is, how the theories themselves locate within economic cycles. The two empirical bases of this study are the survey of the top thirty companies directors and the top thirty companies networks of.1966, 1976 and 1986. A centrality analysis used on the latter three data sources, found that at the peak of the longwave (1966) when accumulation was high within the protected New Zealand economy, there were few corporate interlocks, suggesting that centralisation (the destruction of already formed capitals) was not a problem. But by the economic downturn (1986) corporate interlocks had proliferated reflecting the insecure nature of the corporate economy in crisis. The main conclusions drawn from the survey and the centralisation data sources positively corroborate the Marxist thesis that the corporate class fraction (as agents of capitalism) are in a free market economy as much directive as reactive to the state, that banks operate at direct and indirect levels of intervention on this class fraction and that there is some evidence of corporate class cohesion.

This study examines the influence of an extension agency, the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries Advisory Services Division, in stimulating the diffusion of innovations among farmers in New Zealand. Consideration of the Farm Advisory Officers’ objectives and the rationale for their extension strategies provides a background for investigating and accounting for their use of different techniques. The effectiveness of these techniques is examined, within the framework of an adoption-stimulation model. The use of information sources, knowledge of a promoted innovation, attitudes to the need for the innovation, and adoption behaviour among farmers in the northern King Country are explored, to identify the relationships between these stages in the adoption process and Farm Advisory Officers’ extension efforts. At a broader scale, a simple multiplier model is used to evaluate the effects of the distribution of extension efforts on the spread of information and innovations, especially among those farmers not directly influenced by advisers.

Rural landuse has recently emerged as an issue of major concern in New Zealand. This thesis identifies some of the processes of decision-making about rural landuse and in particular explains the cultural context of those decisions. Comparisons are made between the practise and statutes of landuse planning and the observed behaviour of rural landuse allocation. These themes are explored in the setting of the Taupo region in the central part of the North Island. The distinctive mix of rural landuses in this area: wilderness, exotic forest, and pastoral agriculture, along with the recency of development and intimate involvement of the Crown in that development, provide insights into the way in which land is allocated to uses, and material for examining the concepts advanced, while contributing to knowledge of this important rural area.

This thesis explores the role and status of women in the Hahalis Welfare Society, a populist social movement on Buka, North Solomons Province, Papua New Guinea. The author spent fifteen months in the field, spread over three fieldtrips between 1975.and 1978. Welfare Society members in Hahalis Village shared with the author the work of their hands so that she could appreciate the significance of the ground, and the work of their hearts so that she could feel the compassion, love, and positive exuberance that informed their thinking – thus enabling her to understand in some measure the analysis, critique and transformation of Buka culture and society in which they were engaged. The first chapter of this thesis elaborates the relationship between Hahalis Welfare Society and its historical, and contemporary social/political context on Buka. There is also a discussion of the author's approach to fieldwork on Buka –both in terms of theory and practice. The second chapter explores the nature of traditional power and leadership which remain central to the philosophy and organization of the Welfare Society. The special importance of matrilineal principles and the brother-sister relationship are explored, as are forms of alliance between lineages and moieties. The qualities of balance and restraint inherent in the Buka concepts of power and leadership are shown to be under some strain in the contemporary political and economic context. Chapter Three discusses ritual occasions in relation to the issues raised in the preceding chapter. Ritual is seen as a creative re-thinking of the nature of power, and personal and social relationships – a complex weave that reflects the past, the present, and possible future designs. Chapter Four centres more directly on the role of women in Welfare Society and their past and present active participation in the development of its philosophy and its practice. The final chapter explores three issues drawn from the author's fieldwork experience which are discussed in terms of their relevance to Hahalis Welfare Society, and the development of anthropological practice. These issues centre on the subjective stance in anthropological fieldwork, the debate over fertility and family planning, and the problematic interpretation of sacrifice.

This work began in reflection upon the form of tourism in Ubud: in which rapid economic change and profound cultural conservatism appear combined in unlikely symbiotic relationship. It became, in the field, a set of parallel enquiries into tourism, economics, politics, ritual, spatial organisation and history linking Ubud with wider local, regional and global processes. My provisional argument goes something like this. The economic development associated with tourism has resulted in Ubud not in a wholesale replacement of the forms of traditional culture with those of international capitalist culture but instead with conservation, development and intensification of aspects of traditional culture. Tourism is in fact built upon the marketing of an image of traditional culture consisting primarily of the performing and plastic arts and an aesthetic of village life combining agricultural production and ritual activity. In practice tourism has transformed the economic foundations of this way of life from dependence upon agricultural production to dependence upon a whole new sector providing goods and services to tourists. This transformation has had varied effects upon the components of the marketing image. One the one hand it has made possible profitable commoditisation of traditional arts but on the other it has marginalised the agricultural sector in a number of ways. The relationship between tourism and ritual activity is less direct. While people have resisted direct commodification of ritual, they recognise its role as a tourist attraction. Ritual practices and the temples in which they take place have however been the subject of massive redevelopment. While the forms of these are traditional, their content is linked to tourism in more complex ways. This process has not been ad-hoc but has been the subject of de-facto management by various parties including the traditional aristocracy, foreign expatriates, government and an emerging middle class. This management has been enabled and limited by access of the various parties to key resources including English language, land, cultural knowledge, investment capital and government contacts. This thesis does not report on all of this but represents in effect a report upon work in progress, providing a broad overview and the first stage of what is now seen as an ongoing research project. It is presented as a series of linked sections designed to be read at three levels: 1. as stand-alone contributions to various sub-fields of Bali studies, 2. as a set of relationships between these sections which contribute to the argument outlined above and 3. as the outline of a larger research project linking Ubud into processes of wider geographical compass and historical depth. It begins with description of contemporary Ubud, the transformation of its economy and a brief history of tourism. The relationship between ritual and economy is discussed both in general terms and ethnographic detail to provide insight into the context of cultural ideas in which tourist development has taken place. The spatial organisation of ritual reveals patterns of cultural order and political influence requiring historical analysis which in turn focuses attention on the role of the traditional aristocracy and changing patterns of control over land and labour as key factors in understanding the contemporary situation. Keywords: anthropology, Bali, economy, history, Indonesia, ritual, tourism

This thesis contributes to the debates over the conceptualisation of enterprises involved in agriculture, the industrialisation of agriculture and the reproduction and subsumption of family farms. In making this contribution, a framework is developed for the examination of work relations and forms of production in apple orcharding and dairy farming in New Zealand. It is argued that many of the intense debates in the literature result from the research perspectives which are used - principally Marxist perspectives. While sympathetic to Marxist theory, a realist perspective is adopted to lessen these problems. Middle-order theory is developed to fill the gap between high political economy and the concrete world of agricultural production. The theory suggested here is tangible in the world of experience. Three themes, all of which are undervalued in the literature, guide the theoretical discussions - work relations, the biophysical basis of agricultural production and the concept of different forms of production. Flexibility is the concept used to integrate these themes. In the first stage of theoretical development and integration, two types of conceptually different workers are theorised: wage workers and self-employed workers have different motivations for work and different flexibilities in doing their work. From this basis, a functional typology of work relations in agriculture is developed, which differentiates all workers and enterprises. In the second stage, the flexibility of workers is matched with the labour demands of hypothetical production systems which are based to differing extents on biophysical resources. Some of these production systems are able to be controlled and consequently made more amenable to wage labour than are others. The third theme argues that two conceptually different forms of production exist – simple commodity production and capitalist production. The generalised exchange relations of capitalism are held to be a necessary condition for the emergence of simple commodity production. The power of these conceptualisations is tested by extending the concept of simple commodity production to include sharecropping. It is argued that non-ownership of the farm is the only criteria by which sharecroppers can be excluded from being classified as simple commodity producers, and this is less important than the ownership of the share contract. Apple orcharding and dairy farming in New Zealand are the focus of the empirical part of this research. First, the production system for each industry is established in relation to their dependence on biophysical systems. Then secondary data, and the information from postal questionnaires and interviews with key informants are used to examine the social relations of production in core regions of production, and in regions where each industry has expanded substantially during the 1980 to 1994 period. The production system for apples features two distinct demands for labour which are related to the biophysical inputs. One is a relatively small, permanent work force which must be flexible to attend to the capricious nature of the biophysical resource, and the other is relatively large, lumpy demands for labour, especially at the harvest. These lumpy demands for labour can be met only by accessing external labour markets. The forms of production in the apple industry are distinguishable as either simple commodity producers or capitalist producers. The family enterprises are categorised as simple commodity producers, despite, in some cases, a relatively low contribution of labour by family workers to the enterprise. The three large, fully-capitalist apple producers have reduced their exposure to apples, an indication that the prospects for regular sustainable profits by capitalist producers from apple production are not sufficient. The milk production system is characterised by a demand for high levels of permanent numerical flexibility and high contributions of family labour. Its pastoral basis imposes limits on the scale of individual farms, and these farms are ideally suited to family-based enterprises – simple commodity producers. Sharemilking is an integral part of the industry. Despite the lack of farm ownership, these sharecroppers can be classified as simple commodity producers. That the large-scale capitalist dairy farmers use mostly 50/50 sharemilkers to operate the majority of their farms supports the contention that sharemilking is the most efficient way for capitalist farmers to organise production. The apple industry is more amenable to the capitalist form of production than pastoral dairy farming because of the higher seasonal demands for labour external to the family, the lower levels of labour flexibility required by the production system and the limits of scale which are part of pastoral dairy farming do not exist in apple orcharding. Yet simple commodity producers are likely to persist in apple orcharding because of their inherent characteristics as a form of production. While capitalist producers must make a certain profit to maintain their presence in any industry, the motivation of simple commodity producers revolves around the duality of household and enterprise, and its reproduction Key words: Work relations, Flexibility, Biophysical conditions of production, Simple commodity production, Capitalist production, Sharecropping, Sharemilking, Subsumption, Apple orcharding, Dairy farming, New Zealand.

A fairly comprehensive treatment of the main features of Tokelauan sentence structure is the central aim. The syntactic analysis is presented within a framework which is an adaptation of Chomsky's 'Standard Theory' but special consideration is given to the problem of squaring a grammar based on formal evidence with a functionally-based analysis of sentences. The principal modification to the Standard Theory is the readoption of kernel sentences and generalized transformations, i.e. a partial reversion to the transformational model proposed in Chomsky's Syntactic Structures. Thus, the output of the base rules is a set of simple sentence structures, with no embeddings. The treatment of other aspects of Tokelauan included in this analysis are described below in a brief synopsis of each chapter. Chapter 1 is introductory, serving to locate the language, place and the people of Tokelau. Previous discussions of the position of Tokelauan within the Polynesian group are reviewed, and a basic vocabulary list is provided together with Cognate percentages shared by Tokelauan of Samoan, Nanumean Ellice and Sikaiana. The aims and scope of this analysis are then discussed in the context of a brief survey of earlier syntactic studies of Polynesian languages, and of the various grammatical models applied to Polynesian or developed in recent theoretical work on syntax and semantics. Chapters 2 and 3 are essentially referential, presenting lists of all the grammatical elements and rules to be discussed in later chapters. Chapter 2 has two parts. In Part 1 the segmental phonemes of Tokelauan are described, along with the practical problems associated with the choice of orthographic symbols. In Part 2 the functor (grammatical) morphemes of Tokelauan are listed and their uses exemplified. Chapter 3 lists the categorial rules of the base component and some transformational rules. Chapters 4-6 discuss evidence for and against the formal analysis outlined in 3. Chapter 4 treats the major categorial (phrase structure) rules, stating the procedures used to determine immediate constituents, and defending potentially controversial parts of the analysis against alternatives. Formal and functional analyses are made independently, then compared. In Chapter 5, certain transformational rules of Tokelauan are examined with illustrative examples. The final chapter is in two distinct but related parts. First the grounds on which Hohepa based his ergative-accusative classification of Polynesian languages are summarised, and reviewed in relation to the evidence of Tokelauan. One result is a rejection of the concepts of direct object (and so, of transitivity) and of an active-passive transformation a s significant grammatical relations in Tokelauan. The later sections examine certain functional relations associated with the constituent analysis of sentences particularly the functions of case markers. This exercise provides a framework for verb classification in Tokelauan.

The coastal fortifications of the port of Auckland, New Zealand, from 1885 to 1925 are studied in depth, from an historical archaeology perspective. An understanding of their wider context is essential to an understanding of the sites themselves, so a study is made of European artillery and fortification practice and technology from the 14th century onwards, with an emphasis on the coastal artillery practices of the British Empire in the 19th century. On this foundation, coastal fortification practices in New Zealand in the 19th century are examined, and the political background to the construction of coastal forts is outlined. The social and economic impact of the defences are studied, and the resources used in their construction detailed. Land acquisitions for the defence works in Auckland are examined. With a thorough understanding of their background and context (both national and international), Forts Resolution, Bastion, Takapuna, Victoria, Cautley and the submarine mining depots are then studied in detail, with limited excavations, extensive field survey, and the use of comprehensive archival sources. Fina1ly, it, is concluded that the forts built in Auckland between 1885 and 1925 were a product of the colonial experience, in that, they were a complex technological product of imperial demands and needs, and had little relevance to the realities and requirements of a small and remote colony 20,000 km away from the imperial centre. The thesis is a study of the ‘disappearing gun’ period of coastal fortification, and also an acknowledgement that much of the evidence of this once socially and economically significant activity has been destroyed. To assist the reader, there is a large bibliography, and appendices containing a comprehensive glossary, a list of New zealand defence schemes from 1840 to 1914, a list of site record numbere, and biographical details of the key fort builders.

Class mobility in farming works both ways, some farmer's children are unable to afford a farm, while others from non-farm families do succeed in farm ownership. The literature reviewed in this thesis suggests this situation is related to New Zealand's economic history. In the past small family farms have benefited from both secure markets and governments whose interests have been closely bound up with high productivity. This has led the state to offer cheap credit to prospective farmers with little cap1al of their own. Upward mobility has been possible, but at the same time state support has enabled relatively small farms to remain viable, and many of these are unable to secure farm ownership for all family members. In this thesis I explore class mobility and career patterns among farm employees and consider their wider implications. There are many ambiguities in farm employment in New Zealand which stem from the predominance of petty bourgeois farm owners. Such farmers must deal with the capitalist markets of other sectors when they purchase inputs or sell their product but family workers may act as a bulwark against commercial pressures by accepting lower incomes. Similar conditions may be forced on working class farm employees with no chance of ownership. The high number of people leaving farm employment offers indirect confirmation of such problems and this thesis investigates the context in which departures occurred. Farm employees consist of three groups, those without interest in farm ownership, those with an interest and little chance of success, and those whose family background ensures farm ownership. Many farms only have one employee and take on non-family labour for short periods when the family labour which would otherwise do the task is unavailable. Some of the people they employ are offspring of neighbouring farm owners. This variation in class interests has exacerbated the disinclination of farm employees to lake collective action in the face of poor wages and conditions. By tracing a sample of farm employees through the electoral rolls over a period of ten years, I have been able to contact three groups of farm employees: those who have left for non-farm work in the intervening period; those who have been farm workers for at least ten years; and those who have since become farm owners. This has given me an insight into the proportion of farm employees who take up farming hoping to own their own farm, and the problems involved in succeeding. People who have left farming also provide an important perspective on farm employment. I have correlated outcome of career by various background factors, principally father's occupation, aspiration, and education. Job history is also important to my analysis. All these factors influence class mobility, and may either increase or mask the action of each other in different circumstances. By looking at mobility I will demonstrate the way class relationships impinge on individual lives.