Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Both in the present and the past, horses have a strong presence in New Zealand society and culture. The country’s temperate climate and colonial environment allowed horses to flourish and accordingly became accessible to a wide range of people. Horses acted as an agent of colonisation for their role in shaping the landscape and fostering relationships between coloniser and colonised. Imported horses and the traditions associated with them, served to maintain a cultural link between Great Britain and her colony, a characteristic that continued well into the twentieth century. Not all of these transplanted readily to the colonial frontier and so they were modified to suit the land and its people. There are a number of horses that have meaning to this country. The journey horse, sport horse, work horse, warhorse, wild horse, pony and Maori horse have all contributed to the creation of ideas about community and nationhood. How these horses are represented in history, literature and imagery reveal much of the attitudes, values, aspirations and anxieties of the times. Yet despite the clear significance of horses to this country, no one breed of horse has emerged to represent the country as a whole. Unlike many other modern nations, New Zealand has not identified a national horse. Close allegiance to the British heritage as well as a strong sense of local and regional identity has meant that there is no New Zealand Horse to take its place beside the Australian Stockhorse, the Canadian Horse or any of the other national horses.

Whole document restricted, see Access Instructions file below for details of how to access the print copy. / Nineteenth-century representations of prostitutes were governed, modern historians argue, by a powerful and resilient mythology. The myth of the prostitute’s downward progress – a narrative involving disease, destitution, and early death – was allegedly crystallised in the Victorian consciousness from the 1840s, and consequently reproduced (visually and in print) into the mid and late Victorian period. Despite innovative studies into the social, economic, and cultural context of Victorian prostitution, scholars continue to read the sources for the omnipotence of the myth of downward trajectory. Such readings continue to constrain interpretations of Victorian ideologies regarding prostitution. Studying contemporary representations provides a way of reading prostitution. The analysis of texts reveals the construction of social meanings, attitudes, agendas, anxieties, and fears. This thesis reads a selection of post-1850 sources to subject Victorian ideology on prostitution to much needed scrutiny. The five chosen case studies represent the variety of discourses and cultural interest in prostitution in the Victorian period: Dr. William Acton’s Prostitution Considered (1870); The Report of the Royal Commission into the Contagious Diseases Acts (1871); Josephine Butler’s early repeal campaign literature; Wilkie Collins’ novel, The New Magdalen (1873); and the pornographic ‘memoir’, My Secret Life (c.1890). The choice of texts provides an argument on two fronts: canonical texts must be revisited and reread for their multiple layers, internal contradictions, and interpretative potential; and alternative sources should be utilised to illustrate the variety within the repertoire of Victorian cultural representations. In focusing on representations this thesis challenges scholarly orthodoxies. Where scholars have continued to read homogeneity in Victorian attitudes to prostitution, this thesis finds complexity, flexibility, and dissonance. The myth of the prostitute’s downward progress remained a popular narrative in much Victorian discourse on prostitution. But it was not the only narrative and did not go unchallenged. The prostitute was a powerful cultural symbol in the Victorian period and remains a figure of sustained interest for modern academics. It is therefore essential to recognise the complex ways in which she was represented in Victorian culture. This thesis argues for the heterogeneity of Victorian attitudes to prostitution.

Whole document restricted, see Access Instructions file below for details of how to access the print copy. / Nineteenth-century representations of prostitutes were governed, modern historians argue, by a powerful and resilient mythology. The myth of the prostitute’s downward progress – a narrative involving disease, destitution, and early death – was allegedly crystallised in the Victorian consciousness from the 1840s, and consequently reproduced (visually and in print) into the mid and late Victorian period. Despite innovative studies into the social, economic, and cultural context of Victorian prostitution, scholars continue to read the sources for the omnipotence of the myth of downward trajectory. Such readings continue to constrain interpretations of Victorian ideologies regarding prostitution. Studying contemporary representations provides a way of reading prostitution. The analysis of texts reveals the construction of social meanings, attitudes, agendas, anxieties, and fears. This thesis reads a selection of post-1850 sources to subject Victorian ideology on prostitution to much needed scrutiny. The five chosen case studies represent the variety of discourses and cultural interest in prostitution in the Victorian period: Dr. William Acton’s Prostitution Considered (1870); The Report of the Royal Commission into the Contagious Diseases Acts (1871); Josephine Butler’s early repeal campaign literature; Wilkie Collins’ novel, The New Magdalen (1873); and the pornographic ‘memoir’, My Secret Life (c.1890). The choice of texts provides an argument on two fronts: canonical texts must be revisited and reread for their multiple layers, internal contradictions, and interpretative potential; and alternative sources should be utilised to illustrate the variety within the repertoire of Victorian cultural representations. In focusing on representations this thesis challenges scholarly orthodoxies. Where scholars have continued to read homogeneity in Victorian attitudes to prostitution, this thesis finds complexity, flexibility, and dissonance. The myth of the prostitute’s downward progress remained a popular narrative in much Victorian discourse on prostitution. But it was not the only narrative and did not go unchallenged. The prostitute was a powerful cultural symbol in the Victorian period and remains a figure of sustained interest for modern academics. It is therefore essential to recognise the complex ways in which she was represented in Victorian culture. This thesis argues for the heterogeneity of Victorian attitudes to prostitution.

The role of London in forming New Zealand���s culture and identity is a significant feature of New Zealand���s cultural history that has, until now, been overlooked. Ties with London and with ���Home��� generally, have received little study, and ���Britishness��� in New Zealand is largely considered a legacy of demography to be eventually outgrown. This thesis suggests something different. During the period 1890-1940, technology changed cultural perceptions of time and space, and it changed the relationship between metropole and former colony too. These technologies drew New Zealand and London closer together. London was constructed as an active part of the New Zealand cultural landscape, rather than as a nostalgic remnant of a predominantly British-born settler population. London was New Zealand���s metropolis too, with consequences for the way New Zealand culture was shaped. This thesis considers the cultural impact of London using four tropes linked to those changing perceptions of time and space. ���Greater New Zealand��� is concerned with space, whilst ������New��� New Zealand��� is concerned with time. ���London���s Farm��� and the ���Imaginative Hinterland��� consider propinquity and simultaneity respectively. Each theme draws from different bases of evidence in order to suggest London���s broad impact. Collectively, they argue for a shift away from a core and periphery relationship, towards one better described as a city and hinterland relationship. This approach draws upon existing national, imperial, and cultural historiography, whilst at the same time questioning some of their conventions and conceptions. New Zealand as hinterland challenges the conceptual borders of ���national history���, exploring the transnational nature of cultural formations that otherwise have been considered as autochthonous New Zealand (or for that matter, British) developments. At the same time, whilst hinterlands may exist as part of empire, they are not necessarily products of it. Nor are they necessarily formed in opposition to the metropole, even though alterity is often used to explain colonial relationships. ���New Zealand���s London��� is, instead a reciprocal creation. Its shared cultural landscape is specific, but at the same time, it offers an alternative means for understanding other white settler colonies. Like New Zealand, their cultural histories may be more complex cultural constructions than national or imperial stories allow. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

No description available.

Abstract In 1900 there were fewer than a dozen Spaniards in Queensland, most of whom were transient labourers from Victoria. By 1975 there were several thousand Spaniards, of which the majority had travelled directly to Queensland to settle permanently. The thesis uses a chronological structure to trace the development of Spanish political and cultural identities in Queensland over the seventy-five year period. Early settlers were strongly influenced by radical anarchism, and were engaged in ideological debates and Queensland industrial disputes that referenced patterns of behaviour throughout the Hispanic world. Later settlers were predominantly Basques, and used political associations and cultural events to project their identity and to engage with Queensland society. Queensland’s Spanish communities were never defined simply in terms of ethnicity, nationality or political persuasion. Their cultural and political identity was the product of dynamic interactions between social narratives and transnational and local spaces. Spanish identities were the result of an ongoing and complex dialogue between experiences in Spain and Queensland, which channelled migrants’ memories and expectations. Spaniards were deeply involved in Queensland politics for the entire period of their settlement. Their engagement involved the application and modification of Spanish models of political and cultural action to the Queensland environment. Memories and behaviours were re-articulated through a dialogue that referenced events in Queensland and Spain, and debated their future implications to the local communities. The thesis does not try to separate migrants’ political and cultural identity. Cultural norms enacted in Queensland provided models to achieve both political and social goals in Australia and Spain. Later migrants used ethnic networks to assert their cultural difference, in processes that often had clear political implications. Queenslanders were tolerant of what were seen as folk cultures, and were rarely attuned to the political discussions that underpinned regional ethnicities. Yet, within the Spanish communities, tensions regarding the valid parameters for regional cultural expression were often foils for broader political debates. Queensland Spaniards’ self-perception, and their negotiation of multiple identities, continued to reference the spaces and imagery of Spain. Yet, these identities were subjective, and the move to Queensland altered their purpose and modes of expression. Queensland Spaniards sought to recreate comparable social networks to those that had sustained their identities prior to emigration, frequently contacting comparable Australian groups that shared similar means of expression. Spaniards did not set old identities aside, but new issues in Spain and Queensland forced a process of clarification and the compartmentalisation of roles. Sharp divisions in Spanish communities’ social memories were accentuated by the regional nature of Queensland settlement, focussing cultural debates on regional norms. The regional nature of Queensland’s Spanish settlement altered the expression of cultural and political identities, but also left them relatively uncontested until the influx of Castilian migrants in the late 1950s. Most Spanish migrants to Australia preferred the southern states of Victoria and New South Wales, where greater stability fostered larger and more cohesively ‘Spanish’ communities. Queensland’s long distances and radical political atmosphere instead facilitated the replication of Spain’s regional characteristics. Industrial tensions aided radicals who were able to find comparable political identities, whilst family networks that referred to spaces in Spain developed sophisticated strategies to accelerate chain migration. The thesis corrects a serious lack of research into Spanish migrants in Australia. The group’s small size has led researchers to favour larger communities, despite the important information offered by the Spanish example. The thesis provides a historical narrative of Spaniards’ experiences in Queensland, but also applies academic debates regarding social memories, and investigates their relationship to cultural and political identities. This includes not only the maintenance of social memories, but also their replication and modification over several generations. The analysis uses awareness of political change in both Queensland and Spain, to investigate migrants’ long-term response to political trauma and changed social circumstance.

No description available.

The Second Punic War, fought between the Romans and Carthaginians, lasted for seventeen years. During this time the Carthaginians inflicted several devastating defeats upon Roman armies. In addition to the cost in human lives, these defeats left a legacy of shame which the Romans were anxious to extirpate. An important part of this process lay in the public perception of these events, and the ones most responsible for shaping this perception were the historians who recorded and wrote about them. Historiography in Rome was in its infancy as the Second Punic War drew to an end, and none of the accounts written by men who lived through the war have survived intact. The fullest and most detailed account of these years is that of Livy who, writing two centuries later, inherited the fruits of two centuries of historiography on the subject. Yet contrary to the belief that has persisted too long, Livy was not merely a collator and copyist, but a moralist and an artist with a vision of his own. For Livy, the period of the Second Punic War represents the Romans at their greatest, before the evils of foreign immorality and luxury took root and led eventually to the excessive greed and intense rivalry which tore the state apart. Thus it is not only patriotism, but also nostalgia, that colours Livy’s memorable presentation of these events and the people involved. Nobody denies Livy’s literary artistry, but it is the choices he has made in his interpretation of people and events that are of more interest to me. It was Livy’s cherished belief that the Romans of old, exemplars of courage and strict morality, were well nigh unbeatable in a fair fight, which makes the presentation of episodes of defeat and disgrace so much more challenging for him. A close examination of the ancient evidence, and in some cases a re-evaluation of modern perceptions concerning episodes of defeat and disgrace and the people involved, has allowed me to better grasp the extent of Livy’s artistic licence and reinterpretation. The evidence and opinions of Polybius have played a crucial role in this process, not only because of his closer proximity to the events in question, but because Livy is known to have read and used his work. Polybius’ influence on Livy’s later decades concerning Rome’s involvement with Greek states is undeniable, but although Polybius wrote about the Second Punic War also, Livy has remained remarkably independent of Polybius’ account. A comparison of these accounts reveals the difference in the choices made by each author and serves to illuminate what makes Livy’s history his own.

The role of London in forming New Zealand’s culture and identity is a significant feature of New Zealand’s cultural history that has, until now, been overlooked. Ties with London and with ‘Home’ generally, have received little study, and ‘Britishness’ in New Zealand is largely considered a legacy of demography to be eventually outgrown. This thesis suggests something different. During the period 1890-1940, technology changed cultural perceptions of time and space, and it changed the relationship between metropole and former colony too. These technologies drew New Zealand and London closer together. London was constructed as an active part of the New Zealand cultural landscape, rather than as a nostalgic remnant of a predominantly British-born settler population. London was New Zealand’s metropolis too, with consequences for the way New Zealand culture was shaped. This thesis considers the cultural impact of London using four tropes linked to those changing perceptions of time and space. ‘Greater New Zealand’ is concerned with space, whilst ‘“New” New Zealand’ is concerned with time. ‘London’s Farm’ and the ‘Imaginative Hinterland’ consider propinquity and simultaneity respectively. Each theme draws from different bases of evidence in order to suggest London’s broad impact. Collectively, they argue for a shift away from a core and periphery relationship, towards one better described as a city and hinterland relationship. This approach draws upon existing national, imperial, and cultural historiography, whilst at the same time questioning some of their conventions and conceptions. New Zealand as hinterland challenges the conceptual borders of ‘national history’, exploring the transnational nature of cultural formations that otherwise have been considered as autochthonous New Zealand (or for that matter, British) developments. At the same time, whilst hinterlands may exist as part of empire, they are not necessarily products of it. Nor are they necessarily formed in opposition to the metropole, even though alterity is often used to explain colonial relationships. ‘New Zealand’s London’ is, instead a reciprocal creation. Its shared cultural landscape is specific, but at the same time, it offers an alternative means for understanding other white settler colonies. Like New Zealand, their cultural histories may be more complex cultural constructions than national or imperial stories allow. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.