Abstract In 1900 there were fewer than a dozen Spaniards in Queensland, most of whom were transient labourers from Victoria. By 1975 there were several thousand Spaniards, of which the majority had travelled directly to Queensland to settle permanently. The thesis uses a chronological structure to trace the development of Spanish political and cultural identities in Queensland over the seventy-five year period. Early settlers were strongly influenced by radical anarchism, and were engaged in ideological debates and Queensland industrial disputes that referenced patterns of behaviour throughout the Hispanic world. Later settlers were predominantly Basques, and used political associations and cultural events to project their identity and to engage with Queensland society. Queensland’s Spanish communities were never defined simply in terms of ethnicity, nationality or political persuasion. Their cultural and political identity was the product of dynamic interactions between social narratives and transnational and local spaces. Spanish identities were the result of an ongoing and complex dialogue between experiences in Spain and Queensland, which channelled migrants’ memories and expectations. Spaniards were deeply involved in Queensland politics for the entire period of their settlement. Their engagement involved the application and modification of Spanish models of political and cultural action to the Queensland environment. Memories and behaviours were re-articulated through a dialogue that referenced events in Queensland and Spain, and debated their future implications to the local communities. The thesis does not try to separate migrants’ political and cultural identity. Cultural norms enacted in Queensland provided models to achieve both political and social goals in Australia and Spain. Later migrants used ethnic networks to assert their cultural difference, in processes that often had clear political implications. Queenslanders were tolerant of what were seen as folk cultures, and were rarely attuned to the political discussions that underpinned regional ethnicities. Yet, within the Spanish communities, tensions regarding the valid parameters for regional cultural expression were often foils for broader political debates. Queensland Spaniards’ self-perception, and their negotiation of multiple identities, continued to reference the spaces and imagery of Spain. Yet, these identities were subjective, and the move to Queensland altered their purpose and modes of expression. Queensland Spaniards sought to recreate comparable social networks to those that had sustained their identities prior to emigration, frequently contacting comparable Australian groups that shared similar means of expression. Spaniards did not set old identities aside, but new issues in Spain and Queensland forced a process of clarification and the compartmentalisation of roles. Sharp divisions in Spanish communities’ social memories were accentuated by the regional nature of Queensland settlement, focussing cultural debates on regional norms. The regional nature of Queensland’s Spanish settlement altered the expression of cultural and political identities, but also left them relatively uncontested until the influx of Castilian migrants in the late 1950s. Most Spanish migrants to Australia preferred the southern states of Victoria and New South Wales, where greater stability fostered larger and more cohesively ‘Spanish’ communities. Queensland’s long distances and radical political atmosphere instead facilitated the replication of Spain’s regional characteristics. Industrial tensions aided radicals who were able to find comparable political identities, whilst family networks that referred to spaces in Spain developed sophisticated strategies to accelerate chain migration. The thesis corrects a serious lack of research into Spanish migrants in Australia. The group’s small size has led researchers to favour larger communities, despite the important information offered by the Spanish example. The thesis provides a historical narrative of Spaniards’ experiences in Queensland, but also applies academic debates regarding social memories, and investigates their relationship to cultural and political identities. This includes not only the maintenance of social memories, but also their replication and modification over several generations. The analysis uses awareness of political change in both Queensland and Spain, to investigate migrants’ long-term response to political trauma and changed social circumstance.

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The Second Punic War, fought between the Romans and Carthaginians, lasted for seventeen years. During this time the Carthaginians inflicted several devastating defeats upon Roman armies. In addition to the cost in human lives, these defeats left a legacy of shame which the Romans were anxious to extirpate. An important part of this process lay in the public perception of these events, and the ones most responsible for shaping this perception were the historians who recorded and wrote about them. Historiography in Rome was in its infancy as the Second Punic War drew to an end, and none of the accounts written by men who lived through the war have survived intact. The fullest and most detailed account of these years is that of Livy who, writing two centuries later, inherited the fruits of two centuries of historiography on the subject. Yet contrary to the belief that has persisted too long, Livy was not merely a collator and copyist, but a moralist and an artist with a vision of his own. For Livy, the period of the Second Punic War represents the Romans at their greatest, before the evils of foreign immorality and luxury took root and led eventually to the excessive greed and intense rivalry which tore the state apart. Thus it is not only patriotism, but also nostalgia, that colours Livy’s memorable presentation of these events and the people involved. Nobody denies Livy’s literary artistry, but it is the choices he has made in his interpretation of people and events that are of more interest to me. It was Livy’s cherished belief that the Romans of old, exemplars of courage and strict morality, were well nigh unbeatable in a fair fight, which makes the presentation of episodes of defeat and disgrace so much more challenging for him. A close examination of the ancient evidence, and in some cases a re-evaluation of modern perceptions concerning episodes of defeat and disgrace and the people involved, has allowed me to better grasp the extent of Livy’s artistic licence and reinterpretation. The evidence and opinions of Polybius have played a crucial role in this process, not only because of his closer proximity to the events in question, but because Livy is known to have read and used his work. Polybius’ influence on Livy’s later decades concerning Rome’s involvement with Greek states is undeniable, but although Polybius wrote about the Second Punic War also, Livy has remained remarkably independent of Polybius’ account. A comparison of these accounts reveals the difference in the choices made by each author and serves to illuminate what makes Livy’s history his own.

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Author has removed photographs from digital version of thesis due to copyright restrictions. / Widely differing perceptions of the early twentieth century New Zealand writer James Cowan have led to confusion over how he should be best remembered – as a journalist, an historian, or a combination of both. Most of the previous scholarly assessments of Cowan have focused on his greatest achievement, The New Zealand Wars (1922-23), and not sought further connections with his other works to reveal the existence of a coherent historiography. This thesis fleshes out Cowan’s historiography by including and reviewing three other books in his oeuvre, two written immediately before the release of The New Zealand Wars (The Maoris of New Zealand and The Adventures of Kimble Bent), and one shortly afterwards (The Maoris in the Great War). All four books contributed in their own unique way to an early goal of Cowan’s to write a history of Maori-Pakeha interaction and reconciliation following the turmoil of the New Zealand Wars of the nineteenth century. They also reveal a progressive attempt by Cowan to write history of a suitable standard to ultimately earn him the dual status of firstly, ‘oral historian’ and secondly, ‘public historian’, that is, ‘an historian writing outside academia’. The terms did not exist in Cowan’s era, so his research methods must be considered advanced for the time. My subsequent review of Cowan’s major work The New Zealand Wars shows that his writing transcended journalism in its creation, and has led to this reassessment of Cowan as a much more significant writer for his era than has been accorded to him so far.

This thesis studies Friendly Societies of New Zealand from 1842, when the first lodge was established, to l94l when the Social Security Amendment Bill, allowing for the implementation of the general medical benefit, was enacted. It is the study of how, through the formation of mutual aid societies, a significant group of working people protected themselves against hardship. At the same time, it is the study of how Friendly Societies, by means of social activity and ritual, bonded their members together and synthesised their welfare role with the values of respectability, thrift and independence. The establishment of lodges throughout the nineteenth century is explored and it is shown how lodges, as well as providing for their members' welfare needs, were also effective community institutions of social integration, facilitating the adaptation of immigrants to their new environment. By the twentieth century very few New Zealand settlements were without a lodge. As an integral part of their communities, they were cross-class institutions, drawing together and mixing people from different classes, occupations and social groups. Traced also is the transformation of Friendly Societies from small, financially insecure, local lodges, combining conviviality with limited welfare benefits, to the large financially sound consolidated Societies of the 1930s providing their members with access to modem health care. Effective insurance became the primary focus of Friendly Societies. Although social life remained active, as the twentieth Century progressed, people increasingly joined lodges only for the health and medical benefits offered. Because of their wide range of benefits and because there was little else in the way of welfare relief at the time, Friendly Societies were relevant and significant suppliers of welfare. The state recognised this role and supported them with legislation and help, at least until 1910. However, as the state increasingly ventured into the welfare arena its support for the Societies waned, until finally friendly Society sickness benefits were replaced by the 1938 Social Security Act and their medical benefits by the Social Security Amendment Act of 1941. Friendly Societies were sidelined. Because welfare historiography has tended to focus on the state, it has neglected Friendly Societies. This study intends to redress the balance, and show that welfare did not start with tie state - that many people were making effective provision against sickness, disability and death for themselves long before the introduction of the welfare state.

This thesis is an examination of the importance of army supply in deciding the success and failure of the frontiers of the Roman Empire with particular emphasis on those frontiers in the Rhine-Danube provinces. It will look at logistics as the reason for the end of expansion of the Roman Empire and the frontiers forming where they did. It will also argue that the failure of logistics was a major factor in the collapse of those same frontier defences and the ultimate fall of the western part of the empire. The need to feed and supply large numbers of troops and their dependents dictated where they could be based. Because of the impossibility of supplying the whole army with imported goods, the suitability of local land for food production was also paramount. The need to have reliable sources of supply locally was met by placing veterans on retirement in villae rusticae in frontier zones. This had the effect of controlling those local sources of supply and also satisfying the increasingly expensive needs of the army praemia militiae. The increased warfare and periodic invasions from the reign of Marcus Aurelius especially on the upper Rhine and upper Danube made supply more difficult. The army placed an increasing number of beneficiarii consularis on important points on the transport network to control and direct the flow of army supplies. The more frequent invasions across the frontiers from the third century caused greater dislocation to the agricultural infrastructure not only on the frontiers but deeper into the more settled and richer provinces. This destroyed the sources of local supply and also often the source of imported supply, forcing Roman armies to stay well inside the imperial boundaries more often than before. The loss of their logistic superiority spelt the loss of their military advantage, and the loss of empire.

The role of London in forming New Zealand’s culture and identity is a significant feature of New Zealand’s cultural history that has, until now, been overlooked. Ties with London and with ‘Home’ generally, have received little study, and ‘Britishness’ in New Zealand is largely considered a legacy of demography to be eventually outgrown. This thesis suggests something different. During the period 1890-1940, technology changed cultural perceptions of time and space, and it changed the relationship between metropole and former colony too. These technologies drew New Zealand and London closer together. London was constructed as an active part of the New Zealand cultural landscape, rather than as a nostalgic remnant of a predominantly British-born settler population. London was New Zealand’s metropolis too, with consequences for the way New Zealand culture was shaped. This thesis considers the cultural impact of London using four tropes linked to those changing perceptions of time and space. ‘Greater New Zealand’ is concerned with space, whilst ‘“New” New Zealand’ is concerned with time. ‘London’s Farm’ and the ‘Imaginative Hinterland’ consider propinquity and simultaneity respectively. Each theme draws from different bases of evidence in order to suggest London’s broad impact. Collectively, they argue for a shift away from a core and periphery relationship, towards one better described as a city and hinterland relationship. This approach draws upon existing national, imperial, and cultural historiography, whilst at the same time questioning some of their conventions and conceptions. New Zealand as hinterland challenges the conceptual borders of ‘national history’, exploring the transnational nature of cultural formations that otherwise have been considered as autochthonous New Zealand (or for that matter, British) developments. At the same time, whilst hinterlands may exist as part of empire, they are not necessarily products of it. Nor are they necessarily formed in opposition to the metropole, even though alterity is often used to explain colonial relationships. ‘New Zealand’s London’ is, instead a reciprocal creation. Its shared cultural landscape is specific, but at the same time, it offers an alternative means for understanding other white settler colonies. Like New Zealand, their cultural histories may be more complex cultural constructions than national or imperial stories allow. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.