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This essay is a context statement in critical defence of my submission for the degree of Ph.D by Published Works in keeping with the requirements of MIddlesex University as laid down in the Guidance Notes dated April 1996. The underlying theme of the submission is that my published works serve to illustrate my belief that it is imperative to locate British Jewish history within the broader framework of British history. Thus, I have not limited my research and writing to one issue, event or section of British Jewish society, rather I have sought to develop a historiographical style which exemplifies the way in which individuals, groups and events, within and beyond the framework of Anglo-Jewry, interface and interact. Historical phenomena do not occur in a vacuum and it is imperative to understand what is taking place beyond the perimeters of ethinicity in order to fully comprehend both immigrant and receiving societies' actions and responses. In my most recent works I have taken this one stage further with the recognition that, in what is increasingly a multi-ethnic society, it is vital both to locate British Jewish history within that of the wider British immigrant/settler experience and to see it as a constituent of specific communities in order that comparisons and contrasts can be made and, where possible, lessons learnt.

A national auxiliary cavalry force was formed in 1794 under two principal designations, 'volunteer' and 'yeomanry' cavalry. Commentators have sought to maintain the military predominance and exclusivity of one group - the 'yeomanry' cavalry. They claim it was a feudal force comprised of landowners, used as a national police force during the mid-nineteenth century, and enjoyed a period of prosperity culminating in inclusion in the South African War of 1899-1902. Conversely, a mounted volunteer force that formed in 1859 that styled itself as reserve cavalry, was considered inferior, filled with urban recruits, and only to be used as part of a defensive force. The 'yeomanry' cavalry, however, was used sparingly for riot control, and remained principally part of the reserve military army. The mounted volunteer force of 1859 succeeded in being recognized as auxiliary cavalry, and between the years 1870-1898, the volunteer cavalry endured stagnation and decline that almost culminated in the body's disbandment. Both regiments of yeomanry cavalry and mounted volunteer corps were saved from demobilization, however, by dispatch to the war in South Africa. After 1902, moreover, the auxiliary cavalry was forged into a mounted force 'yeomanry' cavalry officers had criticized so harshly in the nineteenth century.

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Since the end of the Cold War, the question of British attitudes towards the United States of America has received significant attention as historians and commentators have debated whether Britain has belonged to an English-speaking Anglosphere or a Europe defined by anti-Americanism. This research examines these contrasting ideas about British views of the US through a study of Britain’s political culture during the long 1950s. During this period events and trends from across the Atlantic were keenly monitored in Britain as the growth of the close Anglo-American diplomatic relationship added to the longstanding interest in US culture. This thesis provides an original contribution to debates about the ‘special relationship’ by analysing sources indicative of wider attitudes and ideologies which are often overlooked in existing accounts. It utilises a synthesis of sources including those pertaining to Britain’s political parties and their ancillary organisations, the media, and fictional representations of the US in order to analyse the reactions to America. Ultimately, it challenges the idea that anti-Americanism was widespread in post-war Britain and suggests that the threat posed by this viewpoint was usually exaggerated. Not only was the British political system particularly attentive to American trends and events but the majority of Britons were able to draw inspiration from groups or individuals in the US. Rather than being consistently positive or negative, views of the country intersected with other ideological beliefs and political exigencies, meaning that America was interpreted in diverse ways. Although there was often negativity about the country or opposition to its policies, these are best described as rational or reasonable criticism rather than excessive anti-Americanism. It was the US’s unprecedented international position rather than a surfeit of negativity which meant that it received sustained attention in Britain.

The problem of the Polish Question, usually understood as the issue of Polish exiles’ efforts to restore Poland to its previous glory and independence, remains overshadowed by much more visible topic of the Great Emigration that followed the fall of the November Uprising (1830-31). At the same time the problem of Poland, despite its continuous presence in British political and social life of the 1830s and 1840s, has so far remained outside the interest of historians of nineteenth-century British political and social history. This thesis sets out to, on the one hand, broaden the study of the Great Emigration and Polish nineteenth-century history and, on the other, to introduce the subject of Poland, Polish independence and Polish refugees to British historiography. Central in the analysis presented below is the idea of the Polish Question, or, as will be argued, two Polish Questions: one associated with the problem of Polish independence, promoted at various times and with various intensity throughout the 1830s and 1840s; the other linked with the issue of Polish refugees in Britain. The central problem analysed in this work is the impact of the two Polish Questions on British foreign politics and parliamentary debates, as well as the broader question of public interest, contemporary press and public opinion. By presenting developments of both questions in the context of contemporary British domestic and foreign politics, as well as social and economic changes of the period, this thesis shows the dynamics of the Polish Questions in Britain between the outbreak of the November Uprising and the beginning of the Springtime of Nations.

This thesis examines the representation of the settler societies of the British Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa were represented as a distinct part of the Empire, united by the idea that these parts of the Empire were ‘more British’ than the rest, and, had a shared heritage and culture and a predominant British settler population. It was represented as a landscape of opportunity built on layers of representations in the sources of the period from advertisements and panoramas to travel accounts and emigration literature. The settler societies were represented as a ‘Greater Britain’ or ‘Better Britains’, an imagining of the settler societies based on what the British wanted for themselves rather than as a true representation of four parts of the Empire. The notion of ‘Better Britains’ delves into British ideas of their past, present and future. If they were ‘better’, what were they improving on? What qualities and aspects of society were included and excluded? It was an idealised image but also flexible, a malleable landscape where the British could live out desires. Opportunity was found in the land, resources and climate, but also within the modernity of the cities and ideas of social advancement and of the freedom of the frontier.

Cette thèse démontre dans quelles mesures le recours aux agents secrets permet à Londres de dissimuler ses faiblesses notamment dans ses conflits avec l’Ecosse et l’Irlande. En effet, les mouvements dissidents écossais et irlandais mettent en péril le fondement même du Royaume-Uni en remettant en cause leurs actes d’Union signés avec Londres. Le pouvoir central se base donc sur l’efficacité et la puissance de ses agents secrets pour soutenir ses forces armées. Dès le XVème siècle, les monarques anglais, avides de subterfuges, envoient beaucoup d’espions en France. Par la suite, Londres instaure des forces de police à Dublin, Edimbourg et Londres, qui lui rendent compte des moindres complots grâce à l’infiltration de détectives dans des organisations rebelles comme le Clan na Gael, un fonctionnement qui lui permet de mater les rébellions malgré l'alliance irlando-écossaise. Toutefois, Michael Collins amène Londres à négocier grâce à la guerre d’espions (1919-1921) dans laquelle il cible les agents britanniques en imitant leurs méthodes et en développant un réseau de contre-espionnage performant. A l’aube de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la neutralité de l’Eire proclamée par Éamon De Valera précipite Londres dans un jeu très dangereux de coopération, d’espionnage et de manipulation politique de l’Irlande dans lequel les relations diplomatiques jouent un rôle clé, mais où la collaboration irlandaise auprès des Alliées s’avère précieuse. Cette thèse essaie de démontrer que les conflits opposant Dublin et Edimbourg au pouvoir central poussent ce dernier à s’affirmer, à développer et professionnaliser ses services de renseignement qui, de fait, gagnent une renommée mondiale. / This dissertation illustrates to what extent the use of secret agents allows London to conceal her weaknesses more specifically in her conflicts with Scotland and Ireland. In fact, Scottish and Irish rebel movements question the very founding of the United Kingdom when they want to repel their acts of Union with London. The central power relies on the effectiveness and power of British secret agents to help the army. Since the 15th century, English kings, fond of spying games and manipulation, have sent spies to France. In the 19th century, London installs police forces in Dublin, Edinburgh and London which warn the British government of every single plot raising owing to many detectives infiltrated in rebel organizations like Clan na Gael. This operating is very efficient and permits the central government to stifle the rebellions in spite of the alliance between Ireland and Scotland. Yet, Michael Collins forces the British government to negotiate thanks to the intelligence war (1919-1921) in which his squads target the British agents in Dublin using their methods and developing a large very efficient network of spies and informants. At the beginning of the Second World War, Éamon De Valera’s declaration of Eire’s neutrality urges London to play a very dangerous game of cooperation, espionage and political manipulation with Ireland in which diplomatic relations play a key role and the Irish collaboration with the Allies turns out to be very precious. This thesis tries to demonstrate that when fighting against Scottish and Irish rebels, London must reassert its power by developing and professionalizing its intelligence services which end up with a worldwide reputation.

Au milieu du XIXe siècle, la zone baltique est considérée par les Britanniques comme une périphérie lointaine et sous-développée, malgré l’existence de relations privilégiées liées à l’aura romantique de la Scandinavie, à l’importance économique de la région en tant que fournisseur de matières premières essentielles, et à sa position géographique, proche du rival russe du Grand Jeu. Au vu de ce lien particulier, du potentiel socioéconomique des pays nordiques, et de la nécessité de multiplier les débouchés commerciaux, les différents acteurs britanniques espèrent, après l’avènement du libéralisme, participer au développement de la région, et même en bénéficier sur le plan économique. Cependant, si la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle voit effectivement de nombreux Britanniques, marchands, entrepreneurs, capitalistes, ou ingénieurs, contribuer activement à l’essor et à la modernisation des régions baltiques, les évolutions diplomatiques et économiques, marquées essentiellement par la montée en puissance de l’Allemagne, une stabilisation des relations avec la Russie et une balance commerciale obstinément déficitaire, conduisent la Grande-Bretagne à repenser son rôle régional en permanence jusqu’aux tensions internationales du début du XXe siècle. / By the middle of the 19th century, the Baltic area is regarded by the British as a far-off, underdeveloped periphery, although there exist privileged relationships linked to the romantic attraction of Scandinavia, the economic importance of the region as supplier of essential raw materials and its geographical location in the vicinity of the Russian rival of the Great Game. Considering this special link, the socio-economic potential of the Nordic countries, and the necessity to multiply Britain’s commercial outlets, the various British actors hope, after the advent of liberalism, to participate in the region’s development, and even benefit from it at economic level. Yet, if, during the second half of the nineteenth century, many British merchants, entrepreneurs, capitalists or engineers do take an active part in the takeoff and modernisation of the Baltic regions, diplomatic and economic developments, whose main features are a rising Germany, more stable relations with Russia, and a stubbornly negative trade balance, lead Britain to continually reconsider its regional role until the international tensions of the early twentieth century.