This thesis analyses French policies towards and perceptions of the British colony of Rhodesia, from the immediate aftermath of the Second World War up until the territory’s independence as Zimbabwe in 1980. Its main objective is to challenge notions of exceptionality associated with Franco-African relations, by investigating French engagement with a region outside of its traditional sphere of African influence. The first two chapters explore the development of Franco-Rhodesian relations in the eighteen years following the establishment of a French Consulate in Salisbury in 1947. Chapter One examines the foreign policy mind-set that underpinned French engagement with Rhodesia at this time, whilst Chapter Two addresses how this mind-set operated in practice. The remaining three chapters explore the evolution of France’s presence in this British colony in the fourteen and a half years following the white settlers’ Unilateral Declaration of Independence. Chapter Three sets out the particularities of the post-1965 context, in terms of France’s foreign policy agenda and the situation on the ground in Central Southern Anglophone Africa. Chapter Four analyses how the policies of state and non-state French actors were implemented in Rhodesia after 1965, and Chapter Five assesses the impact of these policies for France’s relations with Africa, Britain and the United States, as well as for the end of European rule in Rhodesia. This thesis argues that France’s African vision began to expand to include Anglophone Africa, not in the post colonial or post-Cold War eras, but immediately following the Second World War, thus challenging the view that France was solely concerned with its own African Empire at this time. Throughout, Rhodesia was intertwined with France’s policies towards Francophone Africa in terms of motivations, methods and men. This, in turn, had far reaching consequences for France’s presence on the African continent, its relationship with “les Anglo-Saxons” and the course of Rhodesian decolonisation.

Le messager de l'époque capétienne nous est accessible par des sources variées. De ce fait apparaissent plusieurs figures de ce porteur invitant. D'abord, le porte-rouleaux qui assurait un geste indispensable à la cohésion des abbayes. Ensuite, le messager, thème récurrent des lettres médiévales, a déjà pour une part été étudié par ailleurs. Les sources doctrinales ont élaboré le stéréotype du bon messager. La documentation pragmatique montre, elle, qu'il existait une extrême variabilité dans le statut de la personne susceptible de servir, pour une durée elle-même variée, de messager et que, si tout le monde ne pouvait être un messager appointé par le roi, chacun pouvait un jour s'improviser messager en fonction des circonstances. Correspondant traditionnellement aux origines de la Poste en France, cette matière avait en fait intéressé depuis le XVIIe siècle. Son étude révèle, de plus, d'intimes problèmes inhérents à la condition de l'historien. / We can know the messenger on the capetian era by various sources. For this reason appear a few figures of this inviting holder. First, the scrolls holder who was in charge of an indispensable gesture for cohesion of abbeys. Then, the messenger, classical theme in medieval literature, has been before studied for a part. Doctrinal sources elaborated the stereotype of the good messenger. Pragmatic documents show that it existed a very great diversity in the status of the person that could serve, for a various period, as messenger and that if everybody could not be a salaried messenger of the king, everybody can one fine day be a messenger because of the circumstances. As always corresponding to origins of Post in France, this subject had in fact interested since the 17century. Furthermore, its study reveals intimate problems inherent in the historian's lot.

No description available.

This thesis explores the relationship between lordship and landholding in Anjou, from c.1000 to c.1150, focussing specifically on the effects of power upon that relationship. I consider questions central to lordship: how closely connected was lordship with control of land; to what extent was the exercise of seignorial power characterised by the use of force; what influence, if any, did legal norms have upon the exercise of power? I address these questions over four chapters. In chapter 1, I focus on the consent of lords to grants of land, emphasising the close relationship between lordship and landholding. Chapter 2 looks at claims for services lords brought on their tenants of ecclesiastical lands, and highlights the remedies contemporaries possessed against lordly heavy-handedness. In chapter 3, I explore lordship from the perspective of the tenant by outlining warranty of land, and suggest that warranty ensured the tenant considerable security of tenure. Chapter 4 rounds off the thesis through a detailed discussion of five cases, which I use to elucidate the workings of seignorial power, drawing attention to the interactions between lords and their lay followers. I situate these issues within a framework emphasising competition for control of land and resources, and stress the importance of legal norms in relation to such competition. The thrust of my argument is twofold. First, whilst I stress an environment of intense, sometimes violent, competition over resources, I suggest that the exercise of lordly power was not unlimited, nor was it arbitrary. Instead, ideals of good lordship, together with legal norms, served to act as important restraints upon power. Secondly, I emphasise the need to look at both the short-term and long-term consequences of competition over land, and stress that legal norms were influenced by the former, with an eye to the latter. I therefore stress the capacity for legal innovation and change in eleventh- and early twelfth-century society.

Appliquée à la formation du lien matrimonial, la clandestinité est une infraction multiple. Contrepoint doctrinal nécessaire pour établir le consensualisme matrimonial, la clandestinité n’en demeure pas moins une infraction aux lois de l’Eglise. Les mariages clandestins sont valides bien que moralement mauvais, potentiellement illicites, théoriquement illégitimes, canoniquement interdits. Théologiens et canonistes craignent d’inextricables dilemmes juridiques et moraux sapant les fondements de l’institution matrimoniale et discréditant l’action régulatrice de la justice d’Eglise empêchée de juger selon la vérité. De micro-processus de prise en charge, de recomposition d’une norme et d’une infraction apparaissent en pratique. La régulation judiciaire épiscopale a construit des instruments de lutte contre les mariages clandestins qui se révèlent des instruments de contrôle socio-religieux au service d’un renforcement du cadre paroissial et du pouvoir juridictionnel de l’évêque / Medieval clandestine marriages were a many-sided offense. Although theologians had to recognize the validity of clandestine marriage to strengthen the consensualist theory to marry someone clandestine is nonetheless a violation of the laws of Church. It is morally bad, potentially illegal, theoretically illegitimate, and canonically prohibited. The theologians and the canonists feared that inextricable legal and moral dilemmas surrounded the fundamentals of the Christian marriage institution and undermined the regularatory action of the justice of the Church, therefore preventing it from judging the truth. In practice, attention to the micro-process, and the reformulation of both the standard and a penalty emerged simultaneously as a result. More notably, the Episcopal judiciary established tools to fight against illegal marriages, these tools being primarily instruments of socio-religious control through the strengthening of the parish and the judicial powers of the bishop

L'immigration familiale algérienne en France s'est développée entre le début des années 1950 et le début des années 1980, selon des configurations variées, fonction du contexte et des situations sociales. Le nombre de familles algériennes en France est ainsi passé de quelques milliers à 100 000 environ. Dans un premier temps, seuls les travailleurs les plus stables ont fait venir leur famille, mais la guerre d'indépendance a entraîné des arrivées précipitées de familles fuyant les violences de guerre. Dès l'indépendance, des mesures ont été prises pour encadrer et limiter de façon stricte les arrivées de ces familles, alors que les familles étrangères soumises au régime général d'immigration affluaient. Le logement a été le principal instrument de cette politique d'immigration familiale discriminatoire. La présence d'importants bidonvilles algériens, dans un contexte de grave crise du logement, a été utilisée comme prétexte à cette politique, malgré l'existence d'autres bidonvilles et la capacité financière de la plupart des familles à se loger autrement. Mais dans le même temps, des mesures ont été prises pour améliorer les conditions de logement des familles étrangères installées en France, qui ont largement bénéficié aux familles algériennes - en dépit de discriminations de la part de certains bailleurs sociaux -, du fait de l'ancienneté de leur implantation et de la taille des familles. Un certain nombre parviennent également à se loger dans le parc privé ordinaire, éventuellement en devenant propriétaire. La minorité de familles issues des bidonvilles et relogées en cités de transit, dont la vie quotidienne est retracée dans cette thèse, ont cependant été durablement exclues de l'accès au logement et à la ville contemporaine. / The Algerian family immigration in France has developed between the early 1950s and early 1980s, under a variety of configurations, depending on the context and social situations. The number of Algerian families in France has risen from a few thousand to about 100,000. At first, only the most stable workers brought their families, but the war of independence led to hasty arrival of families fleeing the violence of war. After independence, measures have been taken to control and limit strictly the arrival of these families, while foreign families subject to the general immigration system flowed. The housing has been the main instrument of this family discriminatory immigration policy. The presence of large Algerian shantytowns, in a context of severe housing crisis, has been used as a pretext for this policy despite the existence of other slums and the financial capability of most families But at the same time, measures were taken to improve the housing conditions of foreign families living in France, who have largc1y benefited the Algerian families - despite discrimination by certain social housing landlords - because of the seniority of their location and family size. A number also manage to fit in the ordinary private park, eventually becoming owner. The minority of families coming from shantytowns and cités de transit, whose daily life is recounted in this thesis, nevertheless, have been excluded for a very long time from access to decent housing and the contemporary city.

This thesis explores ceremonial entries in Renaissance France from the perspective of the townspeople who designed and produced them. Existing studies of French entries have tended to see them as expressions of monarchical power, with townspeople coming in submission before the majesty of the king. In contrast, this thesis demonstrates that ceremonial entries were nuanced civic ceremonies which demonstated urban pride and power. Chapter 1 details the weeks of preparations that went into staging a civic reception and the townspeople’s numerous efforts to ensure that the entry was a success. Chapter 2 examines the extramural greeting, where the civic council and other notables came out of the town in procession to greet the visitor and make the formal welcoming speech. The extramural greeting was an important part of the ceremony, as it was the first point of personal contact between the urban elite and the dignitary. The intramural procession is discussed in chapter three. During this part of the ceremony, the dignitary entered through the town gate and processed through the streets until they reached the town’s principal church, where a short service was held. The urban fabric was decorated with flowers, linens, triumphal arches and other decorative structures, while theatrical performances were staged along the length of the processional route. The streets were thronged with ordinary townspeople who had come to both watch and participate in the ceremony. Chapter 4 is concerned with the post-entry festivities, which included banquets, further processions and jousting. The exchange of gifts between the royal guest and the town council was an important element of the post-entry ceremonies, as it was the occasion when the civic councillors could win significant new economic grants for the crown in return for providing a valuable item of silverware.

No description available.

Un corps de pierre : tel est l'objet de notre étude. Un corps de place aujourd'hui effacé. Le fantôme d'une ville bas-normande martyrisée en 1944, dont le périmètre s'est longtemps confondu avec le circuit fortifié, non seulement urbain mais castral. Dans le travail de recherche présenté ici, c'est au cadre matériel du Caen ancien que nous avons tâché de redonner virtuellement corps. C'est l'histoire de sa transformation que nous avons tenté de retracer: six siècles et demi d'évolution entre le moment de sa « formation » au Moyen Age et les prémices de sa « déformation» au Grand Siècle. En somme, c'est à établir la morphochronologie d'une capitale provinciale que nous nous sommes essayé. Mais corréler la morphogénèse urbaine et le phénomène de l'enclôture oblige à prendre en considération les « effets de paroi » que génèrent les enceintes au cours du temps. Aussi est-ce en nous fondant sur l'examen des rapports d'ordre architectural et urbanistique entretenus par les clôtures avec le territoire citadin au gré des conjonctures politico-militaires que nous avons cherché à déterminer le(s) rôle(s) joué(s) par les enceintes dans le processus morphogénique du Caen médiéval, renaissant et classique. Au bout du compte, c'est sur la nature même de ces organes enveloppants que nous avons été conduit à nous interroger : tiennent-ils exclusivement de la « carapace » ou relèvent-ils aussi de la « chrysalide » ? De fait, opèrent-ils seulement comme une « barrière » de croissance urbaine ou agissent-ils à leur façon comme un facteur de développement citadin ? / No English summary available.

A la fin du XVIIIe siècle, l’hôpital de Tonnerre coule des jours relativement prospères. Fondé par la reine de Sicile à la fin du XIIIe siècle, il jouit d’un héritage foncier et seigneurial conséquent qui lui permet de mener à bien sa vocation charitable, ainsi que le désirait la fondatrice. Mais la Révolution s’annonce et bouleverse en profondeur une institution au fonctionnement rodé depuis des siècles. Tous les aspects de la vie hospitalière sont affectés : administratif, foncier, religieux ou soignant. La suppression des droits seigneuriaux puis la confiscation de son domaine foncier précipitent l’établissement vers une faillite irrévocable. Alors qu’il est à la veille de fermer ses portes, à l’été de l’an III, ses terres lui sont enfin rendues et avec elles des perspectives d’avenir. Il lui faut une quinzaine d’années pour se redresser, aussi bien administrativement que financièrement parlant et au tournant des années 1810, l’hôpital peut s’ennorguillir d’avoir retrouvé la prosperité qui était la sienne avant la Révolution. Mais les jours qui se profilent annoncent de biens sombres nouvelles et l’institution se ressent de plus en plus des conséquences des guerres impériales, d’une part en accueillant en nombres des militaires français et étrangers, d’autre part en consacrant une part croissante de ses finances au soutien de l’effort de guerre, enfin en subissant un bombardement et l’occupation ennemie.Par deux fois en l’espace de 25 ans, l’hôpital de Tonnerre est frappé par deux crises inédites par leur pouvoir de destruction. Beaucoup d’institutions ne s’en relevèrent pas, et pourtant, à chaque fois, l’institution tonnerroise redresse la tête et continue à avancer forte de quelques certitudes : celles d’avoir une identité exceptionnelle et de bénéficier d’un patrimoine providentiel. / At the end of the 18th Century, Tonnerre hospital is relatively prosperous.Founded by the Queen of Sicily at the end of the 13th C, it berefitted from a financial inheritance allows it to continue it's charitable vocation as it's founder had wished.But the revolution arrives and up sets, an institution which has been working well for centuries.The whole of hospital life is affected the administration, the finance, the religion and the care of the patients. The suppression of the fendal laws, then the confiscation of it's financial support, pushes the hospital into financial ruin.Then, when it was about to close in Summer year III, it's land was finally returned and with it prospect of a new future.It took 15 years to recover, both administratively and financially and big 1810, the hospital could be proud to have found it's prosperity of before the revolution. But as time passes the future becomes darkes and the hospital suffers from the Napoleonic wars.Many french and foreign soldiers arrive to be treated at the hospital and this increases the finance and personel needed to run the institution wich afterwards is bonbed and occupied by the enemy.Twice in 25 years Tonnerre Hospital suffers two destructive incidents. Many institutions would not have recovered, however each time Tonnerre hospital recuperates and continues to move on sure that it has an exceptionnal role to play and a heaver sent heritage.