Construite, dans un premier temps, de façon économique et commerciale, l’intégration régionale, en tant qu’avatar politique ne saurait se passer du soutien des populations. La Communauté Andine, regroupant la Bolivie, la Colombie, l’Equateur et le Pérou, a déclaré 2011 année andine de l’intégration sociale, et a mis au centre de son agenda les défis de la politique, de l’égalité, de la participation et de l’identité. Ce parti pris est révélateur d’une prise de conscience des enjeux de l’implication des populations dans les processus régionaux et s’inscrit dans une tendance plus générale à l’ouverture du dialogue avec les citoyens andins depuis le milieu des années 2000. Le Secrétariat Général de la CAN a en particulier développé une communication institutionnelle valorisant le sens d’une identité et d’une citoyenneté andine comme vecteurs d’implication et de participation des populations dans le jeu régional. A partir de cette expérience, la présente thèse entend interroger les modalités de mobilisation d’un sentiment d’appartenance des populations dans l’intégration régionale / Formerly constructed on economic and commercial ambitions, regional integration, as a political level, should relay on popular support. The Andean Community that involves Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, declared 2011 as the Andean year of social integration, and put a major focus on the politic, equality, participation and identity challenges. Such a commitment reveals a growing awareness of the popular involvement issues, and is part of a global trend toward a broader dialogue with the populations since the mid-2000s. The CAN General Secretariat developed in particular an institutional communication enhancing the sense of an Andean identity and citizenship as vectors for the involvement and participation ofthe populations in the regional game. From this particular case study, this thesis intends to question the modalities of the mobilization of a sense of belonging in regional integration.

This thesis seeks to explain Argentine and Chilean approaches to modern Pan-Americanism. It offers several significant contributions to the historiography of Pan-Americanism and Southern Cone policymaking. First, it provides a sweeping overview of Pan-Americanism as a form of regional cooperation from 1888 to 1930, gathering the various strands of Pan-American history and forming a coherent overall narrative. It introduces a two-dimensional analytical framework for understanding Pan-American cooperation as a whole. The 'first dimension' included efforts to regulate the political relationships in the Americas while the 'second dimension' was more technical, social, cultural, and commercial. Within this framework, the approaches of two participant countries (Chile and Argentina) are closely examined in parallel. Attitudes towards the US, geopolitical calculations, and economic considerations – the basis of most historical interpretations – form part of the explanation, but this thesis presents a more complicated set of actors, influences, and ideas. Inspired by the methodology of Foreign Policy Analysis and recent studies in modern regionalism, the second half of the thesis deconstructs Pan-American policies. It examines four patterns that emerged through research: changes in the organization of policymaking, the influence of non-state actors and public opinion, the rise of intermestic strands of Pan-Americanism, and the role of ideas in international relations. Each pattern is analyzed and fully substantiated using evidence selected from the narrative and supplemented by wider research. Referencing models from multiple disciplines, the chapters reveal how different actors and objectives (including stemming social crisis, gaining prestige, and demonstrating commitment to democratic governance) influenced policy at different moments. Ultimately, this thesis emphasises the interplay of factors and suggests that unpacking Pan-Americanism has implications for understanding Latin America's role in international history and modern regionalism in the Americas.

The present dissertation offers a critical examination of the place accorded to Latin American states in the English School account of the expansion of international society. It pursues two aims. First, the study contributes to understanding the nature and scope of international order, and its historical transformation over the course of the 'long nineteenth century'. Because of the profound impact that European colonization had on the region, the English School has conventionally treated the entry of Latin American states into international society as an unproblematic historical fact achieved with diplomatic recognition in the 1820s. The crucial cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, however, indicate that more attention needs to the paid to the hierarchical nature of the international order. The central argument of this historical-comparative study posits that the three Latin American states were recognized diplomatically, but they were not regarded as fully-fledged members of the community of 'civilized' states. Second, the dissertation examines the implications of hierarchy in international politics. Building on a critique of the legal-formalist conception of 'standing' in English School theorizing, three ideal-typical dimensions of international stratification are identified: the distribution of material capabilities (stature), the function states perform in international society (role), and estimations of honour and prestige (status) among states. The interpretative framework sheds light on how agents understand international society, and the way in which they deal with its hierarchical nature. The study analyzes how Latin American elites perceived the standing of their state, and how these perceptions shaped politics through their corresponding 'logics of social action'. The study finds that nineteenth-century elites in Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil conceived of the standing of their states predominantly in terms of status, and demonstrates how these perceptions informed politics.