Clear changes occurred in the field of conventional arms control in the last two decades. States adopted a multitude of norms on especially small arms control in various multilateral control instruments. In addition, non-governmental advocacy actors often established themselves as active participants in control debates with governments. The changes are surprising because they took place in the security sphere and therewith in an area traditionally understood to be the exclusive domain of governments. This research project investigates the significance of the changes for the traditional understanding of security governance. Specifically, it investigates the emergence of control norms and the role and policy impact of non-governmental actors in the promotion of the norms. It asks whether the normative changes and significance of nongovernmental actors therein challenge the understanding of security governance that underpins many established approaches to international relations theory.

The global trade in weaponry has created an environment in which states are now utilizing arms transfer agreements to bolster their own domestic defense industry aspirations. Previous research concerning arms transfers has suggested that a state may alter its behavior depending on its level of dependency on foreign sourced weapons. However, previous scholarship primarily examined the effect from importing arms and not the effect that military industry will have upon state behavior. Since the number of states possessing domestic defense industries has risen by 250% since 1950, it is paramount that we understand the effect of a domestic military industry on state behavior. To explore this problem, this dissertation utilizes militarized interstate dispute and arms procurement data. 3 primary independence variables are created, all of which measure military independence in different ways. These variables include, military industry presence, arms supplier diversification, and foreign dependence on military goods. The dissertation hypothesizes that the level of military independence will have an effect on the probability that a state will be involved, initiate as well as decrease dispute duration.

The purposes of the study were to determine (1) the effect which exercise of the nondominant arm would have upon the reaction-movement time of the dominant and nondominant arms, (2) the degree to which fatigue transfers from one arm to the other arm, and (3) the influence of lateral dominance upon the reaction-movement time of both the dominant, and nondominant arms.

Deutschlands linke Mehrheit ist gespalten. In besonderem Maße betrifft dies außenpolitische Themen. Gegen den menschenfeindlichen Irrsinn von Rüstungsexporten anzugehen könnte hingegen ein einigendes Projekt werden. Die Kanzlerin hat mit ihrer zynischen Behauptung, Rüstungsexporte könnten Bestandteil von Konfliktbearbeitung sein, eine Steilvorlage geboten.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. / Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 4, 2004). "December 2003." Also issued in paper format.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-66). Also available online.

Although Great Powers are often thought to be the most influential actors in terms of international arms control efforts, during the 1990s Canada showed itself capable of successfully leading several arms control initiatives. This research sets out to (a) explain why Canada has been able to enjoy these successes while other recent Canadian arms control leadership efforts have failed, and (b) further the abstract thinking around Canadian foreign policy. This is done by introducing the Identity Management model of arms control to explain the process by which Canadian arms control processes succeed or fail, and testing it against four post-Cold War Canadian-led initiatives: the Open Skies initiative, the landmines initiative, the MOX fuel initiative, and the small arms initiative. / Within the Identity Management model, Canada is classified as an Activist State, a categorisation that rejects and improves upon the popular, yet heavily flawed, Middle Power concept. Blending together critical insights from realism and constructivism, the Identity Management model focuses on the foreign policy preferences of states, distinguishing between the preferences of Great Powers, such as the United States, and the preferences of Activist States. The foreign policy preferences of Activist States are designed and promoted by important elite domestic actors, and expressed as the country's chosen identity on a given arms control issue. The Identity Management model thus postulates that while states such as Canada can express independent policy initiatives, these identities are offered up into the international system, the character of which is defined by the foreign policy preferences of Great Powers. Overall, the Identity Management model establishes that Canadian arms control initiatives are successful only when Canada's chosen identity accurately reflects the constantly changing character of the international system.

Thesis (doctoral)--University of Reading, 1977. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 277-281).

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 163-179). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M.S.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Thesis advisor(s): Jerry L. McCaffery, Rodney E. Tudor. "AD-A403 151." Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-91). Also available online.