As Aboriginal peoples relocated to urban areas in the 1950s and 1960s they often found that the services they were offered did not suit their needs, to address this issue Aboriginal peoples began advocating for organizations of their own. Two such organizations include the Saskatoon Indian and Métis Friendship Centre and the Community Liaison Committee. This thesis will explore how Aboriginal peoples worked to create organizations that served their needs, rather than assimilating as was expected; how the status blind approach within organizations was resisted; and how these organizations had a strong desire and vision to become self-governing, often demonstrated by engaging in coproduction, even in the very early stages of organizational development. The data collected included archival documents and informant interviews and was analyzed using an adapted form of grounded theory. The research and analysis revealed waves of engagement in coproduction as a way to defy expectations that Aboriginal peoples would assimilate once moving to the city, and rather embrace Aboriginal cultures and practices in the city.

In a mineral development scenario, Aboriginal groups rely heavily on Environmental Assessment (EA) and Impact and Benefit Agreements (IBAs) to address their interests and concerns. While EA and IBAs are separate processes – EA is legislated and informed by the Crown, and IBAs operate in the realm of private contract law – together, the two are ostensibly part of a parallel process that connect the Aboriginal group(s), Government and the mining proponent. Indisputably, IBAs support a more inclusive development based on consultation, partnership and participation. IBAs and EA have the potential to enhance Aboriginal involvement in mineral development and positively influence the design and planning of the mine. This thesis examines the Tahltan Nation’s involvement and participation in the Galore Creek Project in British Columbia, and demonstrates the challenges and opportunities that arose during the EA and IBA process. It uses key informant interviews to gain multiple perspectives – from the proponent, Tahltan, and Government, to understand how the Tahltan utilized the EA and IBA to participate in the mineral development.

In Canada, progress towards reconciliation with Aboriginal Peoples has been slow, in part because of a lack of emphasis on interpersonal reconciliation—changes in the beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of non-Aboriginal Canadians. Physical distance, prejudicial public discourses, and insufficient, ineffective education for the public pose barriers to renewed relationships between settlers and Aboriginal Peoples. Drawing from transformative learning theory and pedagogy for the privileged, this narrative inquiry examines critical events in the lives of eight white settlers living in Mi’kmaw territory in Nova Scotia. The study uncovers factors which have prompted some Euro-Canadians to take up their responsibility for reconciliation and enabled them to stand as allies with the Mi’kmaq. The transformation process in settler allies was catalyzed by a combination of personal, intrinsic, and extrinsic events. New relationships between settlers and the Mi’kmaq were founded around shared interests or goals, and friendships provided an important foundation for learning. Hearing the personal stories of Mi’kmaw people challenged stereotypes and misinformation about Aboriginal Peoples. Settlers’ learning was further supported by immersion in Mi’kmaw communities or contexts, time spent on the land, and mentoring by Mi’kmaw people. Allies reported that the satisfaction they derived from relationships with Mi’kmaw people as well as a desire to do good and see justice done sustained these relationships over the longer term. The study suggests that a lengthy period of awareness raising and confidence building followed by opportunities for informal, experiential learning and face-to-face interactions are key elements in settler decolonization.

Zugl.: Augsburg, Universiẗat, Diss., 2003.

In a mineral development scenario, Aboriginal groups rely heavily on Environmental Assessment (EA) and Impact and Benefit Agreements (IBAs) to address their interests and concerns. While EA and IBAs are separate processes – EA is legislated and informed by the Crown, and IBAs operate in the realm of private contract law – together, the two are ostensibly part of a parallel process that connect the Aboriginal group(s), Government and the mining proponent. Indisputably, IBAs support a more inclusive development based on consultation, partnership and participation. IBAs and EA have the potential to enhance Aboriginal involvement in mineral development and positively influence the design and planning of the mine. This thesis examines the Tahltan Nation’s involvement and participation in the Galore Creek Project in British Columbia, and demonstrates the challenges and opportunities that arose during the EA and IBA process. It uses key informant interviews to gain multiple perspectives – from the proponent, Tahltan, and Government, to understand how the Tahltan utilized the EA and IBA to participate in the mineral development. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Mining Engineering, Keevil Institute of / Graduate

Canada established its National DNA Data Bank (NDDB) in 2000. Since that time, the NDDB has assisted in the solving of numerous criminal investigations. The NDDB has two indexes: the convicted offender index, which holds the identifiable DNA of persons convicted of designated crimes, and the anonymous crime scene index, which holds anonymous DNA collected from crime scenes. A match to a crime scene profile provides criminal investigators with extremely valuable evidence linking a suspect to a crime scene and the NDDB has been used to identify perpetrators in thousands of crimes in Canada. By limiting the identifiable DNA in the NDDB to convicted offenders, Canada has aimed to balance the crime-solving benefits of the data bank with competing rights issues, particularly the individual right to privacy. Some have encouraged expansions to the NDDB scheme in order to increase the number of crimes that can be resolved through the use of DNA evidence. One possible expansion is to introduce familial searching, a technique in DNA analysis that enables suspect identification based on the existence of a partial match between an identifiable DNA profile and an anonymous profile retrieved from the scene of a crime. Where closely matching profiles indicate that a close genetic relationship likely exists between the identifiable offender and an anonymous perpetrator, police will have a useful lead for follow-up and may be able to locate a suspect by testing the DNA of the identified offender’s close relatives. The use of familial searching is controversial. As a crime-solving tool, it has helped solve crimes in other jurisdictions in which it is currently used. At the same time, it introduces legal and ethical questions that have not been fully explored in Canada. One of the crucial questions is whether and to what extent familial searching may discriminate against Canada’s Aboriginal peoples, who suffer the effects of systemic bias in the criminal justice system generally and who are likely to be overrepresented in the NDDB. Applied in an inherently unequal system, familial searching would disproportionately impact Aboriginal peoples and perpetuate or possibly worsen this existing inequality. To help inform Canada’s decision about the use of familial searching as part of NDDB operations, this dissertation examines the issue from a Critical Race Theory perspective. It outlines the various ways in which familial searching would disproportionately impact Aboriginal peoples. The dissertation further examines international approaches to familial searching and evaluates the extent to which these policies protect against racial inequality concerns relating to the use of familial searching in each jurisdiction considered. It argues that Canada should prohibit familial searching of NDDB data in order to avoid a situation in which the technique would perpetuate or worsen systemic bias against Aboriginal peoples in the Canadian criminal justice system.

<p>This research project asks: to what extent are voluntary organizations included in the policy processes that make decisions regarding the needs and interests of atypical groups? Both urban Aboriginal peoples and Travellers are defined as atypical groups due to their indigeneity and their separate treatment by the state because of cultural differences characterized by nomadism, language and distinctive lifeways preserved by oral traditions. Their marginalization was exacerbated as they transitioned to urban centres after the middle of the twentieth century and the state, although it acknowledged these groups, did not accommodate their needs and interests. In an era of neoliberalism where significant responsibility for welfare has shifted to the voluntary sector, marginalized groups still require disproportionate assistance by the state in policy areas of education, health and housing and they rely on voluntary organizations to provide culturally appropriate programs and services and to advocate for their needs and interests. Applying a scalar analysis, this project isolated three key concepts that are interdependent yet distinct, that are critical to inclusion. First, is incorporation of culturally relevant programs on the micro scale. Second, is atypical group representation in policy processes on the meso scale. And third, their collaboration with government on the macro scale. On balance it appears that urban Aboriginal peoples in Canada have moved closer to inclusion in policy processes due to their success in incorporation, representation and collaboration. In contrast, Travellers in Ireland face greater obstacles in collaborating with government, which impacts on their representation in policy processes and their incorporation of programs and services to meet the needs and interests. The trajectory of these findings suggest that urban Aboriginal peoples will continue to collaborate with government and move closer to goals self-determination while Travellers will continue to struggle against prevailing societal domination to achieve ethnic minority status.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

No description available.

It has been accepted in the historical discourse that a direct link existed between the participation of Aboriginal people in the Second World War and a new political consciousness of Aboriginal people in Canada generally, and Saskatchewan specifically, immediately after the war. This conclusion has been based on the fact that as soldiers, Aboriginal veterans had gained much experience. They had traveled to various parts of the world, had been treated as equals while fighting alongside non-Aboriginal soldiers and had been celebrated as liberators of Europe. On the return to Canada, they found that the situation of Aboriginal people had not changed. Unwilling to accept the substandard treatment for themselves and their people, it is argued, that the Aboriginal veterans became the focal point for Aboriginal rights' movement. There is in fact no evidence to support the notion that the Aboriginal veterans had a direct role in igniting Aboriginal peoples' political consciousness immediately after the war. In the first five years after the war, Aboriginal veterans were more concerned with readjusting to civilian life. They were young men who possessed few adult civilian life experiences and virtually no political experience. The emphasis on Aboriginal veterans as the political leaders after the war ignores the efforts of the existing leaders who had been involved in politics for many years. Although Aboriginal veterans did not directly influence the political climate, their existence as a group was crucial to the shifting attitude of the Canadian public toward Aboriginal people. The portrayal of Aboriginal veterans by the news media as "progressive Indians" due to their contributions to the war effort, impressed upon Canadians the need for change in the relationship between the Canadian government and Aboriginal people. By the 1950s, as the more socially, economically and to a certain extent, geographically mobile the veterans became the more socially and politically active they became. It is the contention of this research that the impact of their war experience is discernible in two ways. First, immediately after the war, the presence of Aboriginal veterans led to Canadian's re-evaluation of the relationship between Aboriginal people and Canadian government. Second, in the post-war era, Aboriginal veterans became active agents of social and political change. In sum, Aboriginal veterans became, first passive catalysts and, later, engines for social and political change.

It has been accepted in the historical discourse that a direct link existed between the participation of Aboriginal people in the Second World War and a new political consciousness of Aboriginal people in Canada generally, and Saskatchewan specifically, immediately after the war. This conclusion has been based on the fact that as soldiers, Aboriginal veterans had gained much experience. They had traveled to various parts of the world, had been treated as equals while fighting alongside non-Aboriginal soldiers and had been celebrated as liberators of Europe. On the return to Canada, they found that the situation of Aboriginal people had not changed. Unwilling to accept the substandard treatment for themselves and their people, it is argued, that the Aboriginal veterans became the focal point for Aboriginal rights' movement. There is in fact no evidence to support the notion that the Aboriginal veterans had a direct role in igniting Aboriginal peoples' political consciousness immediately after the war. In the first five years after the war, Aboriginal veterans were more concerned with readjusting to civilian life. They were young men who possessed few adult civilian life experiences and virtually no political experience. The emphasis on Aboriginal veterans as the political leaders after the war ignores the efforts of the existing leaders who had been involved in politics for many years. Although Aboriginal veterans did not directly influence the political climate, their existence as a group was crucial to the shifting attitude of the Canadian public toward Aboriginal people. The portrayal of Aboriginal veterans by the news media as "progressive Indians" due to their contributions to the war effort, impressed upon Canadians the need for change in the relationship between the Canadian government and Aboriginal people. By the 1950s, as the more socially, economically and to a certain extent, geographically mobile the veterans became the more socially and politically active they became. It is the contention of this research that the impact of their war experience is discernible in two ways. First, immediately after the war, the presence of Aboriginal veterans led to Canadian's re-evaluation of the relationship between Aboriginal people and Canadian government. Second, in the post-war era, Aboriginal veterans became active agents of social and political change. In sum, Aboriginal veterans became, first passive catalysts and, later, engines for social and political change.