Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brite Divinity School, Texas Christian University, 2007. / Title from dissertation title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2007). Includes abstract. "Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Brite Divinity School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Biblical interpretation." Includes bibliographical references.

Texte remanié de: Diss. Ph. D.--Philosophy--Jerusalem--Hebrew university of Jerusalem, 1991. / Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Myth and metaphor : Abraham Cohen Herrera's philosophic interpretation of Lurianic Kabbalah / Nissim Yosha. Table des matières trad. en anglais. Contient un résumé en anglais. Bibliogr. p. 375-398. Index.

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This thesis describes the circumstances surrounding the presidential election of 1864, including the Civil war and the divided Republican party.

Tesis

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Geraldo Barbosa Neto.pdf: 3327167 bytes, checksum: 30eccb6f5981e8dac46084aecff2f901 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-26 / This research aims to elucidate Abraham Zacuto (1452-1515) through his astrological treatises, thinking critically about the image of astronomer and mathematician who historiography attributed to him just in astronomical tables of his Almanach Perpetuum, and looking for to place him in an experimental science that coexisted with the studies of astrology. Among the studies on Zacuto, the predominant theory in which he was part of a joint mathematicians who, under the patronage of Portuguese monarchs, seeking solutions for navigation in the South Atlantic. It relied on Almanach Perpetuum and in their calculations and tabulations of solar motion. There are a large number of folios this treaty that did not support this theory and other works of Zacuto not aroused the interest of researchers. This research fills this gap. The intellectual repertoire of Abraham Zacuto is examined under the assumption that he expresses in his treatises a different knowledge of Portuguese nautical science. The content of his sciencia de la astronomia it covered an ancient natural philosophy, a medical practice mixed with astrology, a cosmology supported by astrological predictions and Kabbalistic literature. There is communication between the studies of Zacuto. Their tables supported the interpretation of earthly phenomena by the stars. An old picture of the universe, adorned by the cabalistic propositions structured it / Esta pesquisa objetiva elucidar Abraham Zacuto (1452-1515) através de seus tratados astrológicos, refletindo criticamente sobre a imagem de astrônomo e matemático que a historiografia lhe atribuiu por via das tábuas astronômicas de seu Almanach Perpetuum, buscando situá-lo na época em que a nova ciência experimental do renascimento ainda convivia com os estudos da astrologia. Entre os estudos realizados sobre Zacuto, predominou a teoria na qual ele integrava uma junta de matemáticos que, sob o mecenato dos monarcas portugueses, procurava soluções para a navegação no Atlântico Sul. Ela se sustentava no Almanach Perpetuum, destacando seus cálculos e suas tabulações do movimento solar. O grande número de fólios desse tratado que não confirmavam essa teoria e as demais obras de Zacuto não despertaram o interesse dos pesquisadores. Esta pesquisa preenche essa lacuna. O repertório intelectual de Abraham Zacuto é examinado sob a premissa de que no conjunto de seus tratados ganharia expressão um conhecimento diferente da ciência náutica portuguesa. O conteúdo de sua sciencia de la astronomia abrangia uma filosofia natural milenar, uma prática médica misturada à astrologia, uma cosmologia corroborada pela literatura cabalística e prognósticos astrológicos. As obras de Abraham Zacuto se comunicavam. Suas tábuas astronômicas sustentavam uma interpretação dos fenômenos terrenos pelos astros. Uma imagem do universo antiga, adornada por proposições cabalísticas as estruturava

Thesis (Th. M.)--Calvin Theological Seminary, 1987. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 194-197).

What Calvin Coolidge saw in the early Progressive movement was a lack of faith. In American institutions, in the founding principles thereof, and in Man writ large, Calvin Coolidge had a faith that his contemporaries deemed antiquated. The advancement of scientific knowledge promised to discover "a new principle for a new age," as Woodrow Wilson—a founding father of Progressive America—posited.1 Since science offered men the ability to "reconstruct their conceptions of the universe and of their relation to nature, and even of their relation to God," the founders' view of human nature as unchanging and eternal only restricted progress by applying Newtonian strictures on a Darwinian society.2 For an organic society to evolve in America, political leaders needed to interpret the founding documents in the circumstance of modern times, not in their own context. A Hegelian faith in the rational, positive evolution of the human condition through history combined with a reverence for German administrative excellence compelled Wilson to employ rhetoric as a means to gain political support—often citing the beloved Abraham Lincoln as his political and philosophical antecedent. Coolidge noted the great power that Lincoln’s name held among Americans at the time: "Two generations have sought out whatever could be associated with him, have read the record of his every word with the greatest eagerness, and held his memory as a precious heritage."3 Wilson sought to deny the political philosophy of the founding—which Lincoln understood as grounded in natural rights and strict constitutionalism—severing current affairs from the influence of the past and freeing himself and future leaders to act as circumstance demanded.4 Ironically, freedom from the founding ideals made the Progressives slaves of expediency. Coolidge understood Wilson’s denial of founding principles to be dangerous and actively sought to restore faith in self-government as a principle and way of life. 1 Wilson, Selected Papers, 1:235. 2 Ibid, 222. 3 Coolidge, The Price of Freedom, 120. 4 Harry V. Jaffa of Claremont McKenna College offers a deep and comprehensive exposition of Lincoln’s words and actions surrounding the issue of slavery in “A New Birth of Freedom.” Jaffa shows that Lincoln had a pseudo-religious belief in the doctrines and theories presented in both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and saw slavery as violating not only the morality of the owner but the natural rights of the slave.

While the migration of Abraham Lincoln’s family to the Northwest has often been documented as a significant event of his youth, historians have neglected the powerful repercussions this family decision had on Lincoln’s assessment of the South and the secession crisis in 1860 and 1861. Lincoln’s years living and working in the Northwest from 1831 to 1861 exposed him to the anti–slave system ethos of that region’s southern-born migrants. Sensitive to the restraints they believed the social system of slavery placed upon their own liberties, these former southerners simultaneously despised the slave system, hated African Americans, and sympathized with white slaveholders and nonslaveholders who remained in the South. After building his initial sense of southern society from these migrants, Lincoln spent his years as a U.S. congressman learning the significance of the Northwest Ordinance in creating the free society in which they had thrived. Emphasizing Thomas Jefferson’s role in conceiving the Northwest Ordinance and utilizing statistical evidence to prove the superiority of free soil over slave, Lincoln’s colleagues further expanded Lincoln’s conception of the South. All these influences combined to produce Lincoln’s uniquely northwestern approach to slavery, the South, and the secession crisis. Believing that the self-interest of white nonslaveholding southerners naturally propelled them away from the South and toward free society, Lincoln perceived the slave South as a vastly unequal society controlled by a minority of aristocratic slaveholders who cajoled or chided their nonslaveholding neighbors into accepting a vision of the South’s proslavery, expansionist future. As president-elect, Lincoln therefore overestimated the Unionist sentiment of southerners before and during the secession crisis. He remained convinced that the majority of white nonslaveholders would not support a secessionist movement that he believed countered their own self-interest. With time, and through careful communications with the South, he remained convinced that he could settle secessionist passions and bring southerners to trust him and the Republican Party. This northwestern perception of the South therefore explains, in part, Lincoln’s silence and his refusal to compromise during the secession crisis.