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Abstract of Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1936. / Caption title. "Reprinted from Speech monographs, vol. III, no. 1, October, 1936." "The speeches which were studied": p. 90-94.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1963. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 175-178).

This is an investigation of the intellectual roots of the political thought and internationalism of Woodrow Wilson, the twenty-eightieth president of the United States. Exposed to the influence of Darwin, Wilson believed that politics had to be redefined as an evolutionary process. the older mechanical understanding of politics was to be replaced with an organic understanding of political development. This allowed Wilson to synthesize a concept of politics that included elements from the Christian tradition; the English Historical School, particularly Edmund Burke; and German idealism, including G.W.F. Hegel. However, because he placed a heavy emphasis on Burke and Hegel, Wilson moved away from a natural rights based theory of politics and more towards a politics based on relativism and a transhistorical notion of rights. Wilson had important theoretical reserves about Hegel, as a result, Wilson modified Hegel’s philosophy. This modification took the form of Wilson’s organic-progressive principle. This would greatly affect Wilson’s ideas about how nations formed, developed, and related to one another. This study focuses on Wilson’s concept of spirit, his theory of history, and his idea of political leadership. the organic-progressive principle is key to understanding Wilson’s attempts to reform on both the domestic and international levels.

What Calvin Coolidge saw in the early Progressive movement was a lack of faith. In American institutions, in the founding principles thereof, and in Man writ large, Calvin Coolidge had a faith that his contemporaries deemed antiquated. The advancement of scientific knowledge promised to discover "a new principle for a new age," as Woodrow Wilson—a founding father of Progressive America—posited.1 Since science offered men the ability to "reconstruct their conceptions of the universe and of their relation to nature, and even of their relation to God," the founders' view of human nature as unchanging and eternal only restricted progress by applying Newtonian strictures on a Darwinian society.2 For an organic society to evolve in America, political leaders needed to interpret the founding documents in the circumstance of modern times, not in their own context. A Hegelian faith in the rational, positive evolution of the human condition through history combined with a reverence for German administrative excellence compelled Wilson to employ rhetoric as a means to gain political support—often citing the beloved Abraham Lincoln as his political and philosophical antecedent. Coolidge noted the great power that Lincoln’s name held among Americans at the time: "Two generations have sought out whatever could be associated with him, have read the record of his every word with the greatest eagerness, and held his memory as a precious heritage."3 Wilson sought to deny the political philosophy of the founding—which Lincoln understood as grounded in natural rights and strict constitutionalism—severing current affairs from the influence of the past and freeing himself and future leaders to act as circumstance demanded.4 Ironically, freedom from the founding ideals made the Progressives slaves of expediency. Coolidge understood Wilson’s denial of founding principles to be dangerous and actively sought to restore faith in self-government as a principle and way of life. 1 Wilson, Selected Papers, 1:235. 2 Ibid, 222. 3 Coolidge, The Price of Freedom, 120. 4 Harry V. Jaffa of Claremont McKenna College offers a deep and comprehensive exposition of Lincoln’s words and actions surrounding the issue of slavery in “A New Birth of Freedom.” Jaffa shows that Lincoln had a pseudo-religious belief in the doctrines and theories presented in both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and saw slavery as violating not only the morality of the owner but the natural rights of the slave.

This work rethinks current interpretations of American exceptionalism, emphasizing dynamic relations, especially those we could call "ironic." I am reading Reinhold Niebuhr's The Irony of American History alongside Eric Voegelin's and Woodrow Wilson's philosophical and political treatment of freedom, expressed through the ideal of American personhood. American entertainment continues to spread globally, and the spreading creates a wider nexus of efficacious relations, allowing for the interplay of hidden relations and symbolic complexes. "Ironic American exceptionalism," as I call it, highlights the positive aspects, usually overlooked, provided by "virtual integration" and the spawning of novel cultural hybrids. By "virtual integration," I mean to include the forms of entertainment that Americans export to the world, including sports, movies, music, etc. I will try to show that popular culture, specifically "entertainment," in a certain sense of the word, serves to facilitate a mythic consciousness of open selfhood to the world. It is also my contention that open selves are not scientific, religious, political, economic, or otherwise, at least in any limiting sense. When freedom is concentrated under any of these movements or cultural interests solely, then the openness and inclusiveness associated with being "American" (in the sense I will explain) is jeopardized. I want to suggest that popular theories of exceptionalism, those revolving around these limited interests, misconstrue what "Americans," as exemplary open selves, aspire to be. Assembling symbolic icons, images, and artifacts, consumed widely, generates the pluralization associated with American identity and liberty. The spreading and exporting of these complexes produces novel hybrids between elitist and low cultural trends, bringing them together in subtle ways. Inquiring into exceptionalism through a philosophy of culture shows that American open selfhood is not peculiarly democratic, Christian, or capitalist. By resisting exemplarist or expansionist exceptionalisms, the "American" service to humanity is exceptional without serving some higher moral cause or false sense of superiority.

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In this paper will be analyzed the article published in Political Science Quarterly, Vol 2, n. 2, in June 1887, entitled «The Study of Administration», written by Woodrow Wilson. This is due to the fact that it has never been analyzed from the perspective of its impact on public human resource management. It is this gap in the literature that we seek to meetthrough this research. We may add that this will contribute to the intellectual heritage of the Classical Paradigm of Public Administration, whose ideas and assumptions creased over many decades of the twentieth century in the public sector in many countries throughout the world and the presence of vestiges of what would be the doctrines of New Public Management (NPM) almost a century later. / En este trabajo vamos a analizar el artículo publicado en la revista Political Science Quarterly, 2(2), de junio de 1887, titulado «The Study of Administration» de Woodrow Wilson. Esto se debe a que el texto nunca ha sido analizado desde la perspectiva del impacto en la administración de recursos humanos en el sector público. Hemos decidido llenar este vacío en la literatura a través de esta investigación. Podemos añadir que este artículo tendrá un gran impacto y contribuirá a la herencia intelectual del Paradigma Clásico de la Administración Pública, cuyas ideas y propuestas se consolidaron en el sector público de muchos países durante el siglo XX; así como algunos razgos de lo que casi un siglo después se convertiría en la doctrina del New Public Management (NPM). / Neste trabalho iremos analisar o artigo publicado na revista Political Science Quarterly, vol. 2, n. 2, de junho de 1887, intitulado «The Study of Administration», da autoria de Woodrow Wilson. Tal se deve ao fato de o texto nunca ter sido analisado na perspectiva do seu impacto na administração dos recursos humanos públicos. Será, então, esta lacuna na literatura que procuraremos colmatar através desta pesquisa. Podemos acrescentar que este impacto muito passará pelo contributo deste artigo para a herança intelectual do Paradigma Clássico da Administração Pública, cujas ideias e pressupostos vincaram durante muitas décadas do século XX no setor público de inúmeros países, além de uns resquícios do que seriam as doutrinas da New Public Management (NPM), quase um século depois.