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Le web et les images qui y foisonnent font désormais partie de notre quotidien et ils façonnent notre manière de penser le monde. Certaines œuvres d’art permettent, semble-t-il, de réfléchir à la fois sur l’image, les technologies web, les relations qu’elles entretiennent et les enjeux sociopolitiques qui les sous-tendent. C’est dans cette perspective que ce mémoire s’intéresse aux travaux de la série des Googlegrams (2004-2006) de Joan Fontcuberta, particulièrement à deux œuvres qui reprennent les photographies de torture de la prison d’Abu Ghraib devenues iconiques. Ce sont des photomosaïques utilisant ces images comme matrices dans lesquelles viennent s’insérer des milliers de petites images qui ont été trouvées dans le web grâce au moteur de recherche d’images de Google, selon certains mots-clés choisis par l’artiste de façon à faire écho à ces photographies-matrices. Ces œuvres sont ici considérées en tant qu’outils d’études actifs nous permettant de déployer les assemblages d’images et de technologies qu’elles font interagir. Il s’agit de suivre les acteurs et les réseaux qui se superposent et s’entremêlent dans les Googlegrams : d’abord les photographies d’Abu Ghraib et leur iconisation ; ensuite le moteur de recherche et sa relation aux images ; finalement les effets de la photomosaïque. Cette étude s’effectue donc à partir des interactions entre ces différents éléments qui constituent les œuvres afin de réfléchir sur leurs rôles dans le façonnement de la représentation de l’information. / The Web and its proliferating images have become part of our daily lives, thereby shaping the way we think about the world. It seems that some artworks allow us to ponder on the role of the image, Web technologies and their intricate relationship, as well as underlying socio-political issues. In this regard, this thesis examines the works of Joan Fontcuberta’s Googlegrams series (2004-2006), more specifically two artworks that are reworking iconic torture photographs of the Abu Ghraib prison. Thousands of smaller images are inserted into the photographs to refashion them into photomosaics. The images are found on the Web using Google Images search function with key words chosen by the artist in order to echo the source photographs. Considered here as tools of active study, these artworks allow us to unfold the assemblage of images and technologies that they are making interact. The aim is to follow the actors and the networks that are superimposed and interwoven within the Googlegrams: the Abu Ghraib photographs and their iconization; the search engine and its relationship with images; as well as the effects of the photomosaic. This study is driven by the interactions between these various elements that form the artworks as a means of reflecting upon their shaping roles in the representation of information.

Le web et les images qui y foisonnent font désormais partie de notre quotidien et ils façonnent notre manière de penser le monde. Certaines œuvres d’art permettent, semble-t-il, de réfléchir à la fois sur l’image, les technologies web, les relations qu’elles entretiennent et les enjeux sociopolitiques qui les sous-tendent. C’est dans cette perspective que ce mémoire s’intéresse aux travaux de la série des Googlegrams (2004-2006) de Joan Fontcuberta, particulièrement à deux œuvres qui reprennent les photographies de torture de la prison d’Abu Ghraib devenues iconiques. Ce sont des photomosaïques utilisant ces images comme matrices dans lesquelles viennent s’insérer des milliers de petites images qui ont été trouvées dans le web grâce au moteur de recherche d’images de Google, selon certains mots-clés choisis par l’artiste de façon à faire écho à ces photographies-matrices. Ces œuvres sont ici considérées en tant qu’outils d’études actifs nous permettant de déployer les assemblages d’images et de technologies qu’elles font interagir. Il s’agit de suivre les acteurs et les réseaux qui se superposent et s’entremêlent dans les Googlegrams : d’abord les photographies d’Abu Ghraib et leur iconisation ; ensuite le moteur de recherche et sa relation aux images ; finalement les effets de la photomosaïque. Cette étude s’effectue donc à partir des interactions entre ces différents éléments qui constituent les œuvres afin de réfléchir sur leurs rôles dans le façonnement de la représentation de l’information. / The Web and its proliferating images have become part of our daily lives, thereby shaping the way we think about the world. It seems that some artworks allow us to ponder on the role of the image, Web technologies and their intricate relationship, as well as underlying socio-political issues. In this regard, this thesis examines the works of Joan Fontcuberta’s Googlegrams series (2004-2006), more specifically two artworks that are reworking iconic torture photographs of the Abu Ghraib prison. Thousands of smaller images are inserted into the photographs to refashion them into photomosaics. The images are found on the Web using Google Images search function with key words chosen by the artist in order to echo the source photographs. Considered here as tools of active study, these artworks allow us to unfold the assemblage of images and technologies that they are making interact. The aim is to follow the actors and the networks that are superimposed and interwoven within the Googlegrams: the Abu Ghraib photographs and their iconization; the search engine and its relationship with images; as well as the effects of the photomosaic. This study is driven by the interactions between these various elements that form the artworks as a means of reflecting upon their shaping roles in the representation of information.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation’s primary focus is why torture is used when torture is not an effective means of gathering intelligence. To answer this question the argument for the use of torture, commonly known as the ticking time bomb argument, is discussed. Due to psychological and physiological processes during torture interrogation it was found that torture cannot be relied upon to deliver truthful information. Torture was also found to adversely affect the institutions that are needed for its establishment. After torture has been found to be of no utility in terms of the appropriation of information the question of why torture is still used is answered by means of discussing societal dynamics as well as the political process surrounding torture. On the societal front it was found that American public opinion towards torture is ambivalent. The reason for this includes a host of socio-psychological factors such as the in-group out-group bias as well the War on Terror as a political ideology in its own right. The notion that anybody is likely to torture is also explored by means of discussing the Milgram’s Obedience Experiment as well as the Stanford Prison Experiment. On the political front the notion that the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay were the work of a few bad apples is dispelled since it formed part of a deliberative political process that tried to make torture a legitimate foreign policy measure. The reason for the existence of this process is the failure of international and domestic checks and balances. On the international front U.S. unilateralism as foreign policy principle is cited as the reason for the ineffectiveness of international measures to stop torture. On the domestic front the permanent rally around the flag effect due to the permanent state of mobilization in the War on Terror is cited as the reason for the failure of domestic checks and balances. The lessons learnt from the research enables the creation of measures on how to stop torture even when it is found that the necessary political will is not present within the Obama administration. In the absence of political will it must be manufactured by means of the actions of civil society, the free press and the international community. It was found that the most effective means would be the creation of a committee of inquiry to create the political memory of the use of torture and how it was established. Additionally a memorial must be erected as well seeing that inquiries create political memories but they do not sustain it. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se fokus is om na te vors waarom marteling gebruik word as dit nie ‘n effektiewe wyse is om inligting in te win nie. Om hierdie vraagstuk te beantwoord word die argument vir die gebruik van marteling naamlik die tikkende-tydbom-argument bespreek. Asgevolg van sielkundige en fisiologiese prosesse tydens ondervragings wat gebruik maak van marteling kan daar nie op marteling staatgemaak word om die waarheid op te lewer nie. Dit was ook bevind dat marteling die instansies, wat nodig is vir die gebruik daarvan, op ‘n negatiewe wyse beïnvloed. Nadat daar vasgestel is dat marteling geen nutswaarde aangaande die inwinning van informasie bied nie word die vraagstuk waarom marteling steeds gebruik word beantwoord. Op die samelewingsvlak kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse samelewing onseker is oor of marteling gebruik moet word al dan nie. Verskeie redes vir hierdie opinie word aangevoer waarvan die in-group out-group bias en die Oorlog teen Terreur as politieke ideologie slegs twee daarvan uitmaak. Dat enige persoon in staat is tot marteling onder die regte stel omstandighede word ook bespreek na aanleiding van die Milgram’s Obedience Experiement en die Stanford Prison Experiment. Op die politiese vlak is daar vasgestel dat die menseregteskendings in Abu Ghraib en Guantanamo Bay nie die werk was van slegs `n paar indiwidue was nie, maar deel uitmaak van ‘n doelbewuste politiese proses wat marteling as ‘n legitieme buitelandse beleidskwessie wil afmaak. Die rede waarom die beleidsproses bestaan kan toegeskryf word aan die mislukking van inter- en intranasionale wigte en teenwigte. Op die internasionale vlak kan daar gestel word dat die Verenigde State se unilateralistiese modus operandi die rede is vir die mislukking van internasionale maatreëls teen marteling. Op die intranasionale front kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse publiek verkeer in ‘n permanent rally around the flagtoestand asgevolg van die permanent mobilisasie in die Oorlog teen Terreur. Uit die lesse wat geleer is uit die navorsing kan daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om die gebruik van marteling stop te sit alhoewel die Obama-administrasie se politiese wil ontbreek. Met die tekort aan politiese wil moet die politiese wil geskep word deur die burgerlik samelewing, the vrye pers asook die internasionale gemeenskap. Daar was gevind dat die mees effektiewe wyse om marteling stop te sit sal deurmiddel van ‘n kommissie van ondersoek wees. Die kommissie se doel sal wees om te bepaal hoe marteling tot stand gekom het en ‘n politiese herinnering te skep. Daar moet ook ‘n bykomende maatreël wees, naamlik die oprigting van ‘n monument aangesien kommissies van ondersoek politiese herinneringe skep maar nie in stand hou nie.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Abstract: This study analyses the reporting of the Iraqi prisoner abuse issue at Abu Ghraib as reported upon by two South African newspapers from an ethical point of view. The focus falls on the issue of accuracy. Accuracy in war reporting of geographically distant conflicts as exemplified with this case study is a delicate and important matter, the media often being the only window for the public to learn of and about a conflict. In this case study, the two South African newspapers Cape Times and Mail&Guardian will be analysed to show the extent of their adherence to codes of conduct and exemplify the problematic practicalities in ethical reporting on international news. With the main focus of the study being on the ethical issues concerning accuracy, other relevant topics, such as ‘objectivity’, balance, fairness and truth telling, as well as more practical concerns will also be partially considered. The selected case studies are contextualized within the South African media environment so as to yield a better insight into the choices made on an editorial and/or newsroom level. As case studies, selected articles from the Cape Times and the Mail&Guardian during a three-month time-span are analysed using Day’s Situation/Analysis/Decision (SAD) model. Each article will further be analysed from the point of view of the newspaper’s own code of conduct and overarching ethical codes such as the South African Press Ombudsman’s Code of Conduct as well as in terms of the South African laws relevant to the media industry.

LL.M. (International Law) / The attacks on the World Trade Center and on the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 sent waves of disbelief and shock through the world. It was probably the worst terrorist attack on the United States ever. The horrific terrorist attacks led to a mixture of political, social and economic reaction around the world and also led to the creation of what is today known as the “The war on terror”. When acts of torture by United States officials came to light in 2004, as well as allegations that these acts were authorized by the United States executive as a way of obtaining information from terrorist suspects in the United States’ “War on Terror”, it led to the question – “How was it possible that acts of torture were committed by United States officials”? The purpose of this dissertation is to try to find an answer to this question and also tom establish which definition of torture should be utilized in the United States domestic laws for the establishment of acts of torture.

This thesis examines news representations of Canadian, American and Australian military personnel involved in military 'sex scandals'. I explore what the representations of military personnel involved in well-publicized sex scandals reveal about scripts of soldiering and militarized masculinities. Despite a history of systemic violence in the military, I ask how and why the systemic nature of militarized masculinities are able to remain invisible, driving representations to focus on the ‘bad’ behaviour of individuals? By engaging with feminist scholarship in International Relations, I present the longstanding culture of misogyny, racism, homophobia and ableism in the Canadian, American and Australian militaries, focusing on the ways in which militarized masculinities are guided by these violent structures, and fundamental to the military's creation of soldiers. My dissertation uses the tools of critical discourse analysis to unpack the ways blame is individualised in cases of sexual and racist violence involving military personnel, while the military’s ableism, rape culture and imperial militarized masculinities are commonly naturalized or celebrated without regard for how they are fundamentally violent. My thesis presents an intersectional feminist project that intervenes in emerging questions in the field of transnational disability studies, tracing how militarism, hegemonic militarized masculinities and imperial soldiering (re)produce categories of ability and disability.

This study examines the phenomenon of abusive violence (AV) in the context of the American Post-9/11 Counter-terrorism and Counter-insurgency campaigns. Previous research into atrocities by states and their agents has largely come from examinations of totalitarian regimes with well-developed torture and assassination institutions. The mechanisms influencing willingness to do harm have been examined in experimental studies of obedience to authority and the influences of deindividuation, dehumanization, context and system. This study used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to examine the lived experience of AV reported by fourteen American military and intelligence veterans. Participants were AV observers, objectors, or abusers. Subjects described why AV appeared sensible at the time, how methods of violence were selected, and what sense they made of their experiences after the fact. Accounts revealed the roles that frustration, fear, anger and mission pressure played to prompt acts of AV that ranged from the petty to heinous. Much of the AV was tied to a shift in mission view from macro strategic aims of CT and COIN to individual and small group survival. Routine hazing punishment soldiers received involving forced exercise and stress positions made similar acts inflicted on detainees unrecognizable as abusive. Overt and implied permissiveness from military superiors enabled AV extending to torture, and extra-judicial killings. Attempting to overcome feelings of vulnerability, powerlessness and rage, subjects enacted communal punishment through indiscriminate beatings and shooting. Participants committed AV to amuse themselves and humiliate their enemies; some killed detainees to force confessions from others, conceal misdeeds, and avoid routine paperwork. Participants realized that AV practices were unnecessary, counter-productive, and self-damaging. Several reduced or halted their AV as a result. The lived experience of AV left most respondents feeling guilt, shame, and inadequacy, whether they committed abuse or failed to stop it.