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A Theses submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in International Relations, October 2017 / This study examines the effectiveness of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance in promoting free and fair elections, focusing on Electoral Management Bodies established and operational in Ethiopia and Lesotho. It assesses practical missions conducted by the EMBs within the three levels of electoral governance theoretical framework; that is rule making, rule application and rule adjudication. This study has significant effects for consolidation of democracy and governance because the democracy discourse recognizes important correlations between quality of elections administered by democratic institutions and governance. The study established that both Ethiopia and Lesotho partially implemented the ACDEG electoral rules due to varying political wills, and that the nations’ EMBs were incompetent and faced logistical challenges. However, Ethiopia’s reluctance to genuinely incorporate and enforce the ACDEG principles within its Electoral Law limited the capacity of the NEBE to manage the 2010 and 2015 elections. Whilst Lesotho’s IEC functioned in an inadequate manner due to recurring political unstable contexts it operated within. Both Ethiopia and Lesotho encountered various electoral challenges notably, evident vote inflation, intimidation, violent incidences, unfair media coverage for opposition parties, unreliable voter registers and unsecured ballot boxes which continue to discredit elections. This study posits that the ACDEG effective implementation in promoting free and fair elections can be fruitful with constant dedication by signatory state parties’ to entirely domesticate ACDEG electoral rules in national laws; maintain impartial EMBs and cooperate with election monitors under a regulated compliance mechanism by the African Union. This would address common electoral challenges tormenting African nations; and aid to prevent non-adherence by state parties who devalue the African Union’s election regulations they willingly acceded to. / XL2018

This study seeks to determine whether the conflict between the City of Cape Town (CCT) and the Social Justice Coalition (SJC) is resulting in positive or negative outcomes from the perspective of the residents concerned. In principle, engagement, between civil society and local government should lead to an improvement in terms of the meeting of needs or wants for those communities whose interests are being contested, or at the very least an improved understanding of the plans and challenges faced by both. Further, the engagement and/or conflict between local government and civil society, if positive, should ideally lead to greater understanding between all stakeholders and the strengthening of relations between them government, civil society and the relevant community interests. The motivation of this study is to explore the unanswered issues such as, whether the SJC has gone beyond the use of acceptable tactics associated with responsible and effective civil society actors and whether it would be justified if they have; if the SJC’s actions have resulted in an actual improvement in the accelerated realization of the socio-economic rights of the communities whose interests they purport to represent; whether the communities ‘represented’ by the SJC see them as their effective advocate for the interests and concerns ; if the issue of sanitation is the primary issue for the residents concerned as claimed by the SJC; if the residents of the communities concerned feel the same animosity to the CCT that the SJC does.

Bibliography: pages 353-378. / Defying widespread predictions, the tricameral Parliament not only continues to function but, after five years, has become an integral part of the political realities in South Africa. This thesis is concerned with an assessment of the dynamics of the new dispensation in general and the role played by the Houses of Representatives and Delegates in particular. It evaluates the implications of the new dispensation for the government, participants in government created, racially segregated bodies and the extra-Parliamentary opposition. In addition, it synthesizes empirical data and theory by applying concepts of ethnicity and by reviewing the tricameral system in the light of the theoretical discussions on consociation and "control". The general elections of September 1989 have been used as a cut-off point for this study because the poll amongst Coloureds and Indians provides an opportunity to observe the effects of the performance of the "other" two Houses. Although it is too early for an exhaustive evaluation of the tricameral system, three preliminary conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, despite its failure to gain legitimacy in wider circles, the new dispensation proved to be a qualified success for the government, particularly in so far as it has managed to involve Coloured and Indian participants in the administration of their "own" affairs. Secondly, after an acquiescent start the two new chambers began to utilize the not inconsiderable potential innate to the Constitution of 1983 but failed to bridge the gulf separating them from the mainstream of black opposition. Thirdly, events in and more significantly outside Parliament, seriously undermined the success of the boycott strategy employed by the extra-Parliamentary opposition. While conducting research into apartheid institutions it has become necessary to use official terminology, for example, whites, Coloureds, Indians, Africans. It goes without saying that this does not imply any measure of acceptance of government policy. The methodology of the study is outlined in a brief appendix.

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M.A. (Political Science) / This study was done in an attempt to ascertain the nature, extent and development of the support given to the South African political system by Chief Minister Gatsha Buthelezi of KwaZulu. The decision to measure Buthelezi 's support of the system was taken because Buthelezi is one of the most prominent Black South African political leaders with general support of members of the political system. Therefore his support can be considered relevant to the functioning of the political system ...

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On 12 June 1986, at a joint sitting of the three houses of Parliament, the State President declared a National State of Emergency. In his speech he said: “. . .the sporadic instances of violence have once again begun to increase and have taken on such proportions that I am of the opinion that the ordinary laws of the land at present on the statute book are inadequate to enable the Government to ensure the security of the public and to maintain public order.” What were the State President’s reasons for declaring the State of Emergency? Was the Government’s action justified? What of the rule of law? Has the National State of Emergency achieved its objectives? When will the National State of Emergency be lifted?

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