No abstract available.

This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.

Hierdie is 'n psigobiografiese studie van Generaal Christiaan Rudolph de Wet. 'n Psigobiografiese studie is die bestudering van 'n persoon se volledige lewe met die doel om die persoon beter te verstaan. Psigobiografiese navorsing maak gebruik van psigologiese teorieë wat aangewend word om die biografiese data van 'n persoon se lewe te beskryf en moontlik ook te verklaar. Die individu wat bestudeer word, is gewoonlik 'n bekende, invloedryke, navolgenswaardige, interessante of modelfiguur. Daar is tans 'n oplewing in die veld van psigobiografiese studies, maar daar word nog steeds nie genoeg in die akademiese veld gedoen om psigobiografiese studies te bevorder nie. De Wet (1854-1922) is vir hierdie studie gekies omdat hy 'n interessante, dog komplekse figuur was. Hy het veral tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog in 1899-1902 bekendheid verwerf. As 45-jarige man het De Wet in die Anglo-Boereoorlog geveg en vinnig opgang as 'n militêre leier gemaak. Sy vindingryke ontsnappingspogings het die Britse magte hoofbrekens besorg. Wat De Wet verder uniek maak, is dat hy met net drie maande skoolopleiding in die parlement gedien het, as president verkies is, die hoogste gesag in die Verdedigingsmag gehad het en 'n boek oor sy oorlogsherinneringe geskryf het. Alhoewel daar akademiese werke oor De Wet bestaan, is daar tot op hede nog geen psigobiografiese studie oor hom gedoen nie. Die doel van die studie was om die mens agter die legende na vore te bring. Daar is ook gepoog om moontlike antwoorde en verklarings op onbeantwoorde vrae te gee. Die studie het van beide kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe data gebruik gemaak en kan as 'n psigobiografiese gevalstudie beskryf word. Die Vyf-faktor model van Costa en McCrae (1992) is op die biografiese data van De Wet toegepas om sodoende sy persoonlikheidseienskappe te beskryf. Die bevindinge het interessante persoonlikheidseienskappe van De Wet deur middel van die Vyf-faktor model aan die lig gebring. Volgens die kwalitatiewe navorsingsbevindinge was De Wet 'n vyandige, aksie-gedrewe, bevoegde, prestasie-strewende, selfgedissiplineerde, warm, openhartige, saggeaarde en beskeie persoon. Die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe data-ontledings het uiteenlopende persoonlikheidskenmerke by De Wet geïdentifiseer. Die grootste verskille het by die fasette warmte, openhartigheid en altruïsme voorgekom. Die waarde van die studie is dat 'n wetenskaplike persoonlikheidsontleding van De Wet gedoen is. Dit is ook die eerste studie waar 'n teoretiese model op De Wet se persoonlikheid toegepas is. Alhoewel die studie sekere tekortkominge toon, beklemtoon dit terselfdertyd die wenslikheid daarvan om alternatiewe modelle te gebruik tydens die ontleding van persoonlikheidskenmerke. Die studie dui ook op die behoefte aan verdere navorsing, byvoorbeeld soortgelyke ontledings en vergelykings van die persoonlikhede van ander militêre bevelvoerders (De la Rey, Smuts, Beyers, Hertzog).

Steve Biko returns and continues to illuminate the postapartheid social order. His contestation by various claimants for different reasons shows his continuing and lasting legacy. However he finds a special niche among a disenfranchised and frustrated township youth who are trapped in township struggles where they attempt to derive a meaning. More important is why these youth who neither saw nor participated in the struggle against apartheid are turning to an age old idea like Black Consciousness in a context of the pervasive influence of non-racialism, rainbowism and triumphalism of neo-liberalism. The realisation is that a human-centred society with a human face which Black Consciousness practitioners advocated and strove for is yet to be realised. This shows the anomalies and maladies of a postcolonial dispensation where ideals, principles and teleology of the liberation struggle are yet to be consummated. Thus Black Consciousness as a node in a long thread of black political thought in the country; and as a spirit, will always be both an emotion, and a motion that finds a new meaning with each generation.

Thesis submitted to the faculty of arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of arts. / This thesis examines the political trajectories of the Independent union movement from 1970-1993. It argues that the political strategies adopted by tbe unions' leadership reflected significant difterences with regard to the political contest over the democratic form of South African society. The political ideology of the unions' leadership was made up of two contrasting 'logics' of political struggle. The one, which we characterise as "simple polarisation", viewed the objective of the unions' struggles primarily in terms of a competition for political dominance which involved a simple dichotomy between the apartheid state and a unified opposition movement. In this view the opposition was conceived of as a homogenous, collective subject, unified in its common assault on the state. Underlying this logic of opposition was a denial of specific and different identities and interests and democracy was seen to be directly associated with the destiny of one distinct social actor. The logic of "simple polarisation" was dominant within the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) throughout the 1980's. It was nourished primarily by COSATU's close relationship with the charterist section of the wider opposition movement There existed within the unions a second political tradition which emphasised a logic of "institutionalised pluralism". This current viewed the organisation of opposition primarily in institutional terms. It emphasised the building of union independence outside the aegis of the wider opposltlon movement. Underlying this tradition was a pluralist conception of democracy, Associated with the early Federation of South African Trade Unions legacy of institutional independence, this logic reared its head within COSATU towards the late 1980's when the federation entered a series of corporatist arrangements with employers and the state. Although there seems to be evidence that there existed (at least some) support within the ranks of FOSATU of a form of workers' control more easily reconellable with an anti-pluralist than pluralist conception of democracy, the nature of FOSATU was such, that. when sufficiently pressed on the issue of which logic of democracy - "simple polarisation" or "institutionalised pluralism" - it endorsed, the latter would have been selected over the former. / Andrew Chakane 2019

In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.

The negotiation process in South Africa did, by 1993, lead to change in inputs in policy-making, and led to change in political relations with specific reference to norms of equality and respect for human rights. Significantly, these changes imposed obligations on the public service on issues of transformation, amongst others: service delivery, restructuring, democratisation of the policy-making process, and representativity and equity. This study was undertaken to examine the latter two namely, to determine the policy-making mechanisms by which the public service seeks to legitimise the policy-making process by involving a wider populace in participation; and to examine legislation that exists on representativity and equity and their consequent implementation. In support of the empirical research, use and analysis of a theoretical study of public policy in Public Administration were undertaken. The analysis showed that the theoretical distinction in the roles of political office-bearers and appointed public officials in the policy-making process, was incorrect. Rather, the empirical study supported a close co-operation of the functionaries in the process, including implementation. Further, it was found that the various models for analysing public policy had all been applicable at different periods in the South African political system. For the purpose of this study, the hypotheses are formulated that the new political dispensation that ushered South Africa into a popular constitutional democracy impacted on the functioning of the public service, amongst others: • an obligation to involve a wider population in the policy-making process to achieve legitimacy; and • an obligation to enforce norms of representativity and equity through legislation and the implementation thereof. In the study of the policy-making process, it was empirically established that the public service does possess comprehensive mechanisms to engage the wider populace in consultation and negotiation on public policy-making. Yet, public participation was found to be thin. Further, it was established that elaborate legislation exists to change the demographic face of the public setvice, and there is progress on implementation of representativity and equity legislation with reference to target quotas, time frames and the control thereof. Proposals for further study on effects of change, are made. / Public Administration / D. Litt et Phil (Public Administration)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Liberation struggles and the way liberation movements are organised can leave a lasting impact on post-liberation societies. This research project was conducted in order to research liberation movements as governments and how the quality of governance is affected in post-liberation societies when liberation movements become governments. The South African liberation movement is seen as having contributed to one of the most peaceful transitions of power on the African continent. However, the stigma surrounding liberation movements prompted a study of the South African liberation movement and to establish whether or not the ANC as ruling party has made a success of its governance of South Africa. This thesis uses South Africa as a case study to determine how quality of governance is affected when liberation movements become governments. This thesis focused on the lingering effects of the structure and organisation of liberation movements. It is thus an exploratory as well as descriptive study where the legacies of the South African liberation movement are investigated and where the ANC as a liberation movement is compared to the ANC as a ruling party. Using historical analysis to discover the structure and internal governance of the liberation movement, this thesis seeks to explain the legacies that still influence the ANC today after its transition from a liberation movement into a political party. To do this the thesis used the theoretical framework of quality of government taken from Rothstein and Teorell (2008), who define it as impartiality. These legacies of the South African liberation movement are believed to have had an impact on the quality of governance of the ANC as a ruling party in post-liberation South Africa. By researching the last twenty years of ANC rule in South Africa’s post-liberation society, this thesis investigated the impartiality of government institutions in order to evaluate the quality of governance in South Africa, and thereby to discover what happens to the quality of governance when liberation movements become governments. The findings of this thesis indicate three conclusions. First, the legacies of the South African liberation movement still have a great influence on the modus operandi, the structure and the goals of the ANC today. Second, these legacies have contributed to the decline of the impartiality of government institutions, in particular through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) project and its cadre deployment strategy, where appointments are made without the consideration of the principle of impartiality. The legacies of the South African liberation movement have thus had a negative impact on the quality of the ANC’s governance. Finally, this thesis has found that in the case of South Africa, when the ANC as liberation movement took over as the ruling party in a post-liberation society, it negatively affected the quality of governance. Further research in this field is needed in order to compare these findings with other countries that have liberation histories so as to be able to generalise about other liberation movements and to improve the quality of governance in other countries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Bevrydingstryde en die manier waarop bevrydingsbewegings georganiseer is kan 'n blywende impak op post-bevryding samelewings laat. Hierdie studie is uitgevoer om bevrydingsbewegings as regerings na te vors en ondersoek in te stel oor hoe die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur beïnvloed word in post-bevryding samelewings wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het bygedra tot een van die mees vreedsame oorgange van mag op die Afrika-kontinent. Die stigma rondom bevrydingsbewegings het egter gelei tot die implementering van 'n studie oor die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging en of die ANC as regerende party wel 'n sukses van sy staatsbestuur van Suid-Afrika gemaak het. Hierdie tesis gebruik Suid-Afrika as 'n gevallestudie om te bepaal hoe die kwaliteit van bestuur beïnvloed word wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Hierdie tesis is gefokus op die voortslepende gevolge van die struktuur en organisasie van bevrydingsbewegings. Dit is dus 'n verkennende asook beskrywende studie waar die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging ondersoek word en waar die ANC as 'n bevrydingsbeweging staan in vergelyking met die ANC as 'n regerende party. Die gebruik van historiese ontleding om die struktuur en interne bestuur van die bevrydingsbeweging te ontdek, is in hierdie tesis gebruik om die nalatenskappe, wat vandag nog ’n invloed het op die ANC selfs ná sy oorgang van 'n bevrydingsbeweging na 'n politieke party, te verduidelik. Om dit te kan doen het die tesis gebruik gemaak van Rothstein en Teorell (2008) se teoretiese raamwerk van die gehalte van bestuur wat gedefineer word as onpartydigheid. Hierdie nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het kwansuis 'n impak op die gehalte van die staatsbestuur van die ANC as 'n regerende party in 'n post-bevryding Suid-Afrika gehad. Deur navorsing te doen oor die laaste twintig jaar van die ANC-regering in Suid-Afrika se post-bevryding gemeenskap, ondersoek hierdie tesis die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings om sodoende die gehalte van regering in Suid-Afrika te evalueer, en om daardeur te ontdek wat word van die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die bevindings van hierdie studie dui aan op drie gevolgtrekkings. Eerstens, die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het vandag nog 'n groot invloed op die modus operandi, die struktuur en die doelwitte van die ANC. Tweedens, hierdie nalatenskappe het bygedra tot die agteruitgang van die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings, in die besonder as gevolg van die Nasionale Demokratiese Revolusie (NDR) projek en sy kaderontplooiing strategie waar aanstellings gemaak is sonder om die beginsel van onpartydigheid in ag te neem. Die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het dus 'n negatiewe impak op die gehalte van die ANC se staatsbestuur. Laastens het hierdie tesis bevind dat in die geval van Suid-Afrika, toe die ANC as bevrydingsbeweging oorgeneem het as die regerende party in 'n post-bevryding samelewing, die gehalte van bestuur negatiewelik geaffekteer is. Verdere navorsing in hierdie gebied word benodig om hierdie bevindinge met ander lande wat ’n soortgelyke geskiedenis deel te vergelyk en om sodoende te veralgemeen oor ander bevrydingsbewegings en gevolglik die kwaliteit van bestuur in ander lande te verbeter.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although there has been a shift from state security to human security, feminist scholars pointed out the missing gender dynamic of a human security approach. The inclusion of a gendered lens has allowed for peacekeeping to come under scrutiny on how it affects the human security of the host society. Due to increased allegations of sexual exploitation of locals by male peacekeepers, the UN and scholars alike have advocated the increasing recruitment of women in peacekeeping operations, claiming that they have a number of unique contributions which improve the operational effectiveness of a peacekeeping unit and the human security of vulnerable populations. Broadly, the unique contributions women make to peacekeeping is: 1. They have a calming effect on men which decreases violence by peacekeepers; 2. Women are more inclined to interact with locals; 3. They are better respondents to victims of sexual violence; and 4. Women are inspirational to local women. However, women have faced a number of challenges which inhibit them from fulfilling these unique contributions. This project contributes to this line of inquiry and, by conducting focus group discussions with women soldiers in the 9 South Africa Infantry (9 SAI) base, this study provides further understanding on the challenges women peacekeepers face in realizing their value to peacekeeping missions. The evidence presented in this article suggests that even though women can have a positive impact on the operational effectiveness of a unit, the broadly advocated unique contributions of women peacekeepers presents a false holism of women in the military. In the South African case, patriarchal beliefs define gender perceptions and create a self-perception amongst women which inhibit them from realizing their contributions to peacekeeping missions beyond patriarchal lines. Furthermore, the South African National Defence Force’s (SANDF) liberal feminist approach to recruiting women in the military is based on gender equality, which has come at the expense of valuing gender difference. Considering the South African case, and more broadly, the hegemonic masculine culture of military institutions allows for the creation of a soldier identity which only features masculine qualities. Therefore, both men and women do not value feminine qualities which are useful and needed in peacekeeping operations. In the end, women dilute their femininity to fit into this male domain, defeating the point of adding more women to peacekeeping operations for their feminine qualities. This study shows that, ultimately, the correlation between recruiting more women and improving the human security of vulnerable citizens is hazy. Depending on the context in which peacekeepers are deployed, women peacekeepers may exacerbate the insecurity of the locals, the unit, and themselves. To overcome these challenges, this paper advocates the creation of a new soldier identity which should be championed by the SANDF. Furthermore, gender training should be done on a regular basis. In addition, recruitment processes should especially target women and emphasize the value they may add to the military and peacekeeping operations. Finally, ongoing challenges difficult to overcome are the deeply entrenched patriarchal beliefs in the South African society, and the hegemonic masculine culture of the SANDF. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel daar ʼn verskuiwing in fokus vanaf staatsveiligheid na menslike veiligheid plaasgevind het, lewer feministiese teorie steeds kritiek op menslike veiligheid omdat dit faal om ʼn geslagsaspek in ag te neem. Die insluiting van ʼn geslagsaspek het veroorsaak dat navorsing oor die maniere waarop ʼn vredesoperasie die menslikesekuriteit van die plaaslike bevolking beïnvloed gedoen word. As gevolg van toenemende bewerings van seksuele uitbuiting van plaaslike inwoners deur manlike vredebewaarders het beide die VN en ander geleerdes aanbeveel dat meer vroue gewerf moet word vir deelname aan vredesoperasies. Hul beweer dat vroulike vredesmagsoldate ʼn aantal unieke bydraes kan maak tot die effektiwiteit van vredesmageenhede, asook die menslike sekuriteit van kwesbare bevolkings. Die unieke bydrae wat vroue kan maak tot vredesendings sluit die volgende in: 1. Hulle het ʼn kalmerende effek op mans wat dus lei tot minder geweld deur manlike vredesmagsoldate; 2. Groter kommunikasie met die plaaslike bevolking; 3. Groter bevoegdheid om vroulike slagoffers van seksuele geweld te ondersteun; en 4. Inspirasie vir die plaaslike vroue. Alhoewel vroue hierdie unieke bydra kan maak, is daar ʼn aantal uitdagings wat hul in die gesig staar en dus verhoed om hierdie unieke bydrae te kan maak. Hierdie studie maak ʼn bydrae tot hierdie rigting van ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van fokusgroepbesprekings met vroulike soldate van die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag om verdere begrip vir die uitdagings wat vroue vredesmagsoldate ondervind te kweek. Die studie dui aan dat alhoewel vroue ʼn bydrae kan maak tot die operasionele doeltreffendheid van vredesoperasies, kan hierdie unieke bydrae nie aan alle vroue toegeskryf word nie. Hierdie studie toon dat patriargie in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks ʼn groot uitdaging vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) is omdat dit persepsies van geslag skep wat vroue verhinder om hul unieke bydrae tot vredesoperasies te realiseer. Verder, het die SANW se liberale feministiese benadering tot die werwing van vroue in die weermag gebaseer op geslagsgelykheid, gerealiseer ten koste van geslagsverskille wat waardeer moet word. In die geval van Suid-Afrika, asook militêre instellings in die algemeen, is daar ʼn hegemoniese manlike kultuur wat voorsiening maak vir die skepping van 'n soldaatsidentiteit wat net manlike eienskappe reflekteer. Dit is dus die rede waarom manlike en vroulike soldate nie waarde heg aan vroulike eienskappe nie, alhoewel hierdie eienskappe nuttig is in vredesoperasies. Op die ou einde is die toevoeging van vroue tot die weermag as gevolg van hul vroulike eienskappe onnuttig, aangesien hul hierdie eienskappe ‘opgee‘ om in te pas by die manlike kultuur van die SANW. Hierdie studie trek die stelling dat meer vroue in vredesoperasies tot die verbetering van menslikeveiligheid lei in twyfel. In teendeel, afhangende van die konteks waarin vredesmagte ontplooi word, kan vroulike vredesmagsoldate die menslike sekuriteit van die plaaslike bevolking, die vredeseenheid, en hulself in gedrang plaas. Om hierdie uitdagings die hoof te bied, stel hierdie studie voor dat die SANW ʼn nuwe soldaatsidentiteit wat manlike en vroulike eienskappe insluit, skep en bevorder. Geslagsopleiding moet ook op 'n gereelde basis plaasvind. Daarbenewens moet die werwingsproses veral op vroue gemik word en die waarde wat hulle toevoeg tot beide die weermag en vredesoperasies beklemtoon word. Ten slotte, voortdurende uitdagings wat moeilik is om die hoof te bied sluit in: die patriargale oortuigings in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing asook die hegemoniese manlike kultuur van die SANW.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The primary aim of this study is to investigate the socia-political impact of globalisation on South Africa. The objective of the study is to gain a better understanding of how globalisation has impacted on govemance, policy-making, culture and civil society with special reference to South Africa. The study also looks at the effects of globalisation in terms of gains and losses accrued by South Africa and other African countries Globalisation presents many challenges to developing nations, as the effects of this phenomenon have been uneven. South Africa as a developing country became reintegrated to the world economy after the first democratic elections in 1994. The country re-entered the world stage at a time when the process of globalisation was gaining momentum. The process has had an impact on policy making which resulted in a shift from the original policy of RDP to the GEAR policy. Globalisation has had the effect of increasing in and out of the country. On the economic front foreign direct investment has increased and South Africa has entered into a number of multilateral trade agreements with the different countries. On the political arena, governance hiis been affected with emphasis on the democratic principles of governance. South Africa has been playing an active role in making Africa a stable continent advocating democratic principles of governance. Together with Nigeria, South Africa have been leaders of the African Union and its marketing wing the New Partnership for Africa's Development. President Mbeki has been the selling the vision of NEPAD to leaders of industrialised countries and South Africa is one of the first countries that will be subjected to the peer review monitoring system. South Africa has been active as well in peacekeeping missions in the continent where South Africa's troops can be found in countries such as Rwanda, Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi. As globalisation impacts on society, it is inevitable that culture will be affected . Whether one views cultural changes as disadvantageous or advantageous depends on the individual. Globalisation through technology has made cross-cultural exchanges across borders possible with the result it is easy nowadays for people to move across within a limited amount of time. What this means is that globalisation has compressed time and space. Globalisation has met with resistance as evidenced by the anti-globalisation sentiments expressed by different civil society groups whenever there are meetings of the multilateral institutions. What needs to be done by the industrialised countries is to ensure that benefits of globalisation are filtered through so that even people in developing countries can enjoy them. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofdoel van hierdie studie is om die sosio-politieke impak van globalisering op Suid-Afrika te ondersoek. Die doel van die studie is om 'n beter begrip te kry van invloed van globalsering op regering, wetgewing, kultuur en burgerlike samelewing met spesifieke verwysing na Suid-Afrika. Die studie ondersoek ook die effek van globalisering in terme van die opgehoopte wins en verliese deur Suid-Afrika en ander Afrika-Iande. Globalisering bied baie uitdagings aan ontwikkelende lande na gelang die effek van hierdie fenomeen ongelyk is. Suid-Afika, as 'n ontwikkelende land, is weer heringeskakel in die wereldtoneel op 'n tydstip wat die proses van globalisering in momentum toegeneem het. Die proses het 'n impak gehad op beleidmaking wat 'n verskuiwing tot gevolg gehad het van die oorsporonklike RDP beleid na die GEAR beleid. Globalisering het in toenemende mate 'n effek in en buite die land gehad. Op die ekonomiese front het direkte buitelandse belegging toegeneem en Suid-Afrika het tot verskeie multilaterale handelsoorenkomste met verskillende lande toegetree. Op politieke gebied is regering beinvloed met nadruk op die demokratiese beginsels van regering. Suid-Afrika speel steeds 'n aktiewe rol om Afrika 'n stabliele kontinent te maak terwyl demokratiese beginsels van regering voorgestaan word. Saam met Nigeria is Suid-Afrika leier van die Afrika Unie en sy bemarkingsvleuel, die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika Ontwikkeling. President Mbeki is steeds besig om die visie van NEPAD aan leiers van ge'industraliseerde lande te verkoop en Suid-Afrika is een van die eerste lande wat aan 'n moneteringsisteem onderwerp gaan word. Suit-Afrika is aktief in vredessendings op die kontinent waar Suid-Afrikaanse Troepe geplaas is in lande soos Rwanda, Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo en Burundi. Soos globalisering die gemeenskap be'invloed, is dit onvermydelik dat die kultuur beinvloed sal word. Of mens kulturele veranderinge as onvoordelig of voordelig beskou, sal afhang van die individu. Globalisering deur middel van tegnologie het kruis-kulturele verwisseling oor grense heen moontlik gemaak. gevolglik is verwisseling oor grense moontlik gemaak binne beperkte tydsduur. Dit alles beteken dat globalisering tyd en ruimte saampers. Globalisering het ook teen weerstand te staan gekom soos blyk uit die anti-globalisering sentimente by verskillende burgelike gemeenskapsgroepe wanneer daar vergaderings van multilaterale instellings is. Wat gedoen moet word deur ge'industrialiseerde lande is om te verseker dat voordele van globalisering deurgefilter word sodat ook mense in ontwikkelende lande dit kan geniet.