M.Ed. (Educational Psychology) / The street child that is driven by circumstances to Jive outside the supportive structure of the family, is on his own. He doesn't have the educational developmental opportunities that children who grow up in families and societies do. He finds himself in a unique educational and living environment. From an educational psychologist point of view, this environment is abnormal. It is therefore a great challenge for the educational psychologist to try and avoid or resolve negative effects of the child's living environment. The aim of the study is to investigate and describe the experiences of the Hillbrow street child, as well as to determine guidelines for supporting these children. An exploratory-, descriptive-, contextual- and qualitative study was done, with the aim of gaining insight and understanding into the life of the street child in Hillbrow as well as his experiences of his situation. The phenomenological interview was used to gather data. The interviews were recorded on a tape recorder and later transcribed. The purposive sample consists of four street children who were selected specifically for the study. The data was processed according to a combination of the Giorgi's & Kerlinger's methods. The results obtained from the interviews were placed in four categories. These categories are: The street child's continuous struggle to survive, his need for a 'normal child life', his inability to accept responsibility and the presence of a normative awareness within the street child. Guidelines for supportive action towards street children by the educational psychologist are discussed in regard to the four categories. These categories are interdependent, as work in one category inevitably influences the other categories. For this reason the educational psychologist's supportive action needs to be holistic to include all four categories. In conclusion it is clear that the experiences of the street child are multi-faceted. In general it appears that the street child has many limitations and difficulties which he experiences, and that input by an educational psychologist can have meaningful influence in his life.

From Forward: The development of gold mines in the Orange Free State is likely to be to modern East London what Kaffir Wars were to old East London. "The Fighting Port", as it is commonly called, is the nearest harbour to these mines and is linked by good rail, road and air facilities. A wide variety of industry is already established. Development is likely to be rapid. At present the City contains over 80,000 persons, and with the addition of peri-urban suburbs has doubled its population in just over fifteen years. In the past is has claimed to be the healthiest holiday resort in the Union. This year a City-wide campaign has been organised to fight tuberculosis, as the City's statistics indicate that it has one of the highest rates of anywhere in the world. Within twelve years two government sided commissions of enquiry have sat in the City and reported on the administration and living conditions of the city's African populaton. Extremely strong adjectives have been used to describe, and drastic recommendations made to improve the socio-economic and general conditions of the African people. Under the holiday atmosphere of the City lies a very serious, complex, and potentially dangerous human problem.

The first instance of the poor white problem being dramatically brought to the attention of white South Africa was in 1893 when Rev. Andrew Murray issued an open letter on the subject which resulted in the convening of the first of many Dutch Reformed Church conferences on the problem (Introduction, p. 1).

D.Ed. / With the dawning of the new democratic South Africa the 'dream' of a a unified education system was realised. Children who previously attended racially segregated schools are now all being educated in desegregated schools. This meteoric change has been eagerly embraced by most of the people of South Africa. Change at macro level often means change at micro level as well. For teachers within the education system this meant the challenge of providing equitable education for all. Schools in Lenasia, previously administered by the House of Delegates (concerned specifically with the education of Indian), began admitting black children from Soweto and the informal settlements around Lenasia since 1989. Soon after their admission teachers from some of the schools requested assistance from the school psychologist attached to the now defunct House of Delegates. They reported that they were experiencing difficulty teaching the children from the informal settlements. This request by the teachers provided the impetus for the research. The overriding aim was to determine what the concerns were and to develop strategies for addressing the concerns. A review of the research literature revealed that the concerns would be most appropriately identified within the naturalistic paradigm. The teachers were chosen as the unit of analysis. This was based on the finding that there was a dearth of research studies which focused on "teachers' voices". Listening to the teachers themselves is important. The aims of the research were a) to gather information on the teachers' experiences of teaching children from the informal settlements b) to describe the conditions which prevail, beliefs and attitudes which are held, processes which are going on and trends which are developing and c) to present strategies that may assist the teachers in their task. The research was conducted at primary schools in Lenasia. The participants were teachers teaching primary school children at these schools. A pilot study was conducted to eliminate potential unforeseen difficulties in the planned research. Data was gathered by means of a combination of methods, namely, four focussed group interviews, four phenomenological interviews, analysis of pupils' workbooks, analysis of pupils' school reports, analysis of the proceedings at a conference on Multilinguality and field notes. Interviews were audio-taped and transcribed verbatim. The proceedings at the conference were video-taped and also transcribed verbatim. The data was content and phenomenologically analysed by using Kerlinger's Method of Content Analysis (1986) and Giorgi's Method of Data Analysis (1985). Quality was built into the research by the application of strategies such as triangulation, persistent observation, referential adequacy materials, peer debriefing, member checks, purposive sampling, reflexive journals, dependability audits, confirmability audits and literature control. Several categories and themes emerged from the analysis of the data. The experiences of the teachers were categorised into the following divisions: pupil related experiences; parent related experiences; community related experiences; administration related experiences; didactic experience; personal experiences; strategies and suggestions. Teachers' attributed the difficulties that the children from the informal settlements were experiencing primarily to their lack of knowledge of English. The schools being English medium schools they expected the children to know English. They perceived the difficulties as arising from a number of factors such as a) pupils' emotional vulnerability, lack of motivation, classroom misbehaviour, ethnic groupings and cultural differences b) mother tongue instruction at their previous schools c) parents socio-economic status and illiteracy and d) social problems and lack of support from the community. It was generally felt that teachers did not have the necessary training and experience needed to teach children who spoke languages other than English. In addition, the children were of a different cultural group and they did not have the expertise to deal with this issue. Teachers perceived the administrators and subject advisors as not been sufficiently supportive and unable to guide them in their efforts to teach the children from the informal settlements. Further, practical problems such as the large number of children per class, wide range of ability groups in their classes, inappropriate placement of children, syllabus demands, and the policy of condoned passes was complicating their teaching. This often led to frustration, resentment, and 'burn-out'. In spite of these difficulties most teachers had attempted to address the difficulties in innovative ways. Understanding and empathising with the children's difficulties and being flexible in their teaching was one of the strategies used by the teachers. Other strategies included the provision of extra tuition in English. The analysis also revealed that some teachers had reflected deeply about their teaching instruction. From their reflections they concluded that they themselves had to change to meet the new demands in teaching. The literature review and control revealed many similarities between studies undertaken in South Africa and some differences and uniqueness. Drawing the threads of the various studies resulted in the development of the strategies suggested. In essence it involves a) the need for teachers to get in touch with their own beliefs, attitudes, strengths and weaknesses and address the needs b) teachers need to empower the children from the informal settlements to meet the demands of the school. This can be accomplished by a) improving their knowledge, skills, and expertise in addressing the concerns expressed b) enlisting the assistance of the parents and the community c) demanding that administrators and subject advisors provide the necessary guidance support and resources need to accomplish their task. Administrators and education advisors need to support, guide and enhance the teachers' expertise. Ways in which this can be accomplished is by providing appropriate, relevant, practical and challenging in-service training, presenting workshops and seminars, initiating staff development programmes and "just being there" for the teachers by valuing them and encouraging them.

Mgaga, an informal settlement in KwaZulu, south of Durban, on Cele-Zulu polity land, had an indigenous, albeit urban, system of Zulu land tenure in 1980. Mgaga's transformation, from an area with scattered homesteads in 1959 to an informal settlement, was linked to local and external factors. The external factors were, regional industrialisation, urbanisation and apartheid policies which involved, the division of South Africa into ethnically based 'homelands'; controlled Black access to 'White' cities; an urban management system for 'homeland' townships, like Umlazi township which abutted Mgaga. Umlazi's development and urban management system involved, the resettlement of members of the polity; the removal of their office bearers from their posts; and the phased building of the township; which caused cumulative effects in Mgaga. I link these external factors to the behaviour of Mgaga's residents, who transformed the area's land tenure system, by using Comaroff's dialectical model (1982), where the internal dialectic interacts with external factors to shape behaviour at the local level. I analyze the Zulu ethnography to show that the internal dialectic in Zulu social organisation, and in Mgaga, is centred around fission and integration; and that the integrating hierarchy associated with Zulu social organisation and the Zulu land tenure system is composed of groups with opposed interests in the same land. Within this hierarchy entrepreneurship and coalition formation influence the transfer of land rights. Also, rather than rules determining the transfer of land in the land tenure system, processes associated with the interaction of external factors with the internal dialectic, within terms of the cultural repertoire associated with the system, shape local behaviour; and the system's rules are manipulated within this cultural repertoire by individuals striving for gain. This results in different manifestations of the internal dialectic in the Zulu land tenure system, i.e. a range of variations in the Zulu land tenure system, including different local level kinship groups; a variety of terminology and rights held by office bearers; and communal and individualised land rights. The external factor of urbanisation interacted with the internal dialectic in Mgaga, manifested in terms of an ongoing izigodi (wards) dispute -including its boundaries, to shape residents' behaviour, so that some introduced an informal settlement and others resisted its geographical spread. This informal settlement development, where eventually purely residential land rights were transferred for cash to strangers by strangers, with no role for polity officials, was an urban variation of the Zulu land tenure system, because of the continued existence of the internal dialectic in Zulu social organisation in the local system, with the integration side being expressed by the community overrights. Characteristics found in Mgaga, such as kinship diminution; the individualisation and sale of land rights; and the ongoing influence of polities; are found elsewhere in Africa where informal settlements have developed on indigenous land tenure systems. Therefore the transformation of Mgaga's land tenure system to urban forms is not an isolated phenomenon, and my dialectical ransactional approach may have an applicability beyond the context of the Zulu land tenure system.

Little is known at present about the development, structure, and functions of small towns in the Union of South Africa, and there is a need to fill this gap in our knowledge. A study has been made of Grahamstown, a small South African town. This study is monographic and intensive in character, and heuristic in aim. Ad hoc hypotheses have been formulated on the basis of the findings of the study, and these must be tested by subsequent studies of other small towns. Grahamstown, the subject of the study, was chosen largely for reasons of convenience, and also because of its interesting development. It is suggested that in many ways the town is possibly a typical small town, but at this stage we cannot know if this is so. Only the white population of the town was investigated, as it was necessary to limit research to manageable proportions, and in addition several studies have already been made of the non-white populations of the town. The analysis has been described as socio-ecological, as basically the methodological approach used is an attempt to wed the methods of the urban demographer and the social ecologist. Time and space are used as the two co-ordinates for the analysis, so that both a social historical and an ecological-demographic analysis of the town have been made. The historical analysis of the development and functions of Grahamstown relies heavily on material collected from the early newspapers of the town. Grahamstown, once the most important town in the Eastern Cape Province, known as the ''Emporium" and ''Metropolis" of the Eastern Cape, and the most progressive town in the Colony, is to-day a small static town with, on the whole, relatively restricted influence. This fundamental change in the historical development of the town, hitherto unexplained, is the result of the changes in the socioecological make-up of the region around the town. Founded in 1812 as a strategic outpost on the frontier of the Colony, Grahamstown dominated a wide region; as the gateway to and the supply centre for, the frontier, the town flourished and reigned supreme. From the mid 19th Century onwards the region began to change to a developed one, with the frontier more and more inland. Grahamstown, no longer a strategic outpost in a frontier region, lost its dominant ecological position to Port Elizabeth, the natural supply base for, and gateway to, the new settled region. As one town among many in the new settled region, Grahamstown gradually lost many of its former functions, and began to stagnate. The town is to-day mainly known for its important educational function. This function, a relic from the days of the town's zenith, has saved the town from complete stagnation. The town is what it is to-day largely because of the socio-ecological regional influences which have operated on it since its foundation. To-day Grahamstown is located within the Port Elizabeth metropolitan district. The town is the centre of a wide variety of regional services of an ad hoc type, and the modal region served seems to be that settled by the 1820 Settlers - basically the town is mainly a supply centre for its surrounding rural areas. The demographic structure of the town reveals a static population. Growth of the white population has been practically static since about 1880, and the age structure is that of a stationary population. Particularly noticeable is the under-representation of the young working group in the population, and it is suggested that due to the lack of economic opportunities in the town, the young workers of the town, especially the unmarried males, migrate to larger urban areas to seek employment, and advancement. The sex-ratio of the population shows an excess of females, and this may be due to migration out of an excess of young males, and possibly migration in of older spinsters. Retired persons definitely migrate to the town to settle. The town, a predominantly English speaking one, has practically no industries, and so the population contains a majority of workers engaged in professional, administrative, and commercial activities. This stresses the service and supply functions of the town. The ecological analysis delineated various natural areas and zones in the town. The pattern approximates to patterns revealed by studies of American towns. Although the areas involved were relatively small, ecological differentiation was marked. The spatial distribution of demographic and other social phenomena was studied in detail. The results of the study have allowed several ad hoc hypotheses concerning the development, functions, and structures of small towns in South Africa to be formulated. These may be tested by subsequent studies, and so ultimately knowledge and theories about our small towns may be built up.

This thesis is a study in Urban History which explores the development of East London, a port in the Border region of the Eastern Cape, South Africa, through four decades of municipal control from 1873 to 1914. The town had been established in 1847 as a supply route for the British forces during the War of the Axe (7th Frontier War) but the frontier nature of the port led to economic and physical stagnation during its initial 25 years of existence. Indeed, by the time that the municipality was established in 1873, there were still no streets beyond cart tracks, no established water supply, and sanitary conditions were medieval. The Town Council therefore had much to occupy its attention but lack of positive leadership resulted in failure to capitalise on prosperous economic conditions, while a depression in the 1880's led to a further truncation of growth. It was only in the 1890's that a combination of economic growth and vibrant leadership brought about rapid civic advance, with large-scale expenditure on street construction, as well as the establishment of electricity and a tramway system. The outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War in 1899 slowed progress, however, and a post-war depression placed renewed stress on the municipality. The thesis examines the progress of the town on a broad front, dealing with the issues of economic fluctuations, the growth of the harbour as the heart of the trading sector, the physical advance of the municipality, the search for a viable water supply, the evolution of public health and sanitation, and the establishment of the port as a coastal resort. In addition, it studies the conflict of social attitudes among the townspeople, the evolution of racial segregation, and the effects of the Anglo-Boer War on the town, with the influx of some 5 000 Uitlander refugees and the establishment of a Boer concentration camp. A final chapter attempts an analysis of the reasons behind the Town Council's inability to make the best use of its opportunities to foster the development of East London.

This study examines the factors influencing the spatial distribution of the Indian communities of Grahamstown, King William's Town, Queenstown and Uitenhage from 1880 to 1991. Primary sources of information were used to determine both the spatial distribution of the four communities and the factors influencing the distribution found. These primary sources included the use of directories, municipal and archival sources of information, interviews as well the work of various authors. The study found that the spatial distribution of Indians in the four study areas were similar with the Indians occupying residential and commercial premises in the central areas of the urban centres. After 1980 there was a substantial movement to other areas. Prior to 1950 the municipalities played an important role in influencing spatial distribution. However, after the introduction of the Group Areas Act, the govennment controlled Indian spatial distribution. Thus the Group Areas Act was the most important factor affecting Indian spatial distribution. Indians in small urban centres in the Cape Province were segregated and their spatial distribution was controlled both prior to and after 1950. Anti-Indian legislation and restrictions were the main factors influencing Indian spatial distribution.

Please read the abstract (Summary) in the section, 20summary of this document Copyright 2002, University of Pretoria. All rights reserved. The copyright in this work vests in the University of Pretoria. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the University of Pretoria. Please cite as follows: Bauermeester, EM 2002, Die Kaapse slawe in kultuurhistoriese perspektief - 1652-1838 (Afrikaans), MA dissertation, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, viewed yymmdd < http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11082007-092819 / > / Dissertation (MA (Cultural History))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Historical and Heritage Studies / Unrestricted

The study investigates the concept and development of social entrepreneurial models in South Africa to demonstrate how social business initiatives can thrive and increase their impact on quality of life. Extreme poverty and diminishing natural resources threaten the future existence of the human race. Transformative, cost-effective and sustainable solutions are necessary to address the most challenging social problems. The study explores the speculation that creation of social value naturally progressed to increase economic value. Governments and philanthropic efforts have to date, failed to offer effective solutions to social problems. Independently, no sector is able to handle the scale, cost and extent of the current social issues facing humanity. In order to address this gap the study considers the business models followed by the public, private and non-profit sectors. It then introduces the concept of social entrepreneurship and explores the use of a hybrid business model as a possible solution. It is argued that transformative, cost-effective and sustainable solutions to the most critical social problems within South Africa can only be generated once these different sectors collaborate to leverage public and private resources. The method used in approaching the study was: Identifying the need for new forms of social value creation and identifying specific ventures emerging to address these needs; Recognising the key factors enabling social entrepreneurs to accomplish ambitious task, create large social impact and influence economic value; Establishing the most predominant social problems threatening the future sustainability of society and economy in South Africa; Identifying the most strategic business model able to create transformation, sustainability and deliver both economic and social value; Establishing the guidelines, support and resources needed to strengthen social entrepreneurial behaviour and social entrepreneurial initiatives within South Africa. The objective of the study was firstly achieved through an analysis of literature related to the topic of social entrepreneurship. The literature study explored the origins of traditional entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial characteristics. It then went on to discover the concept of social entrepreneurship and made a clear definition between the different types of social entrepreneurship, separating the social entrepreneurial venture from charity and corporate social responsibility. The literature study looked further into the characteristics of a social entrepreneur, the need for new forms of social value creation, the opportunities that exist and the impact created by social entrepreneurship. The second part of the analysis strictly focussed on social entrepreneurship in South Africa and the role each sector plays in addressing social issues. The most critical social issues in South Africa were identified with emphasise on the change needed. The methodology used was the case study method. A single-case study was conducted with the Freeplay Energy Group, presenting a successful social entrepreneurial venture, serving as a good business model example for the South African environment. A qualitative approach was followed with the objective of testing theory. By comparing the theory identified in the literary review with the findings of the case study, it was possible to investigate the concept and development of social entrepreneurial models in South Africa. The conclusions demonstrate how social business initiatives can thrive and increase their impact on quality of life. The most strategic business model identified was one which integrated the public, private and non-profit sectors with social entrepreneurship. The collaboration of all the sectors with social entrepreneurship results in social value creation which gives impetus to economic value creation. The findings were documented with specific conclusions being made and offered suggestions for future research.