Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin. / Mimeograph. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: leaves 95-103.

Orientador: Fernando Antonio Lourenço / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T10:50:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alves_BernardJosePereira_D.pdf: 237746178 bytes, checksum: c8b687c59181028ae9b20d2746b37324 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O período que antecede o golpe militar de 1964 foi marcado por profundas tensões sociais no campo brasileiro, com a intensa participação de grupos organizados demandando projetos de reforma agrária e acesso a direitos. Esta pesquisa propõe uma análise entre diferentes formas de luta colocadas em prática nos estados do Rio Grande do Sul e de Pernambuco entre o final da década de 1950 e início de 1960. O estado gaúcho foi palco de uma série de mobilizações que foram legitimadas pelas ações promovidas especialmente durante o governo de Leonel Brizola (1959-1963), por meio do recurso aos dispositivos legais existentes na Constituição do estado. Em Pernambuco emergiram as Ligas Camponesas, movimento que corporificou grande parte a luta pela reforma agrária no país à época, sedimentando espaço para o avanço de medidas como a sindicalização dos trabalhadores rurais, implantada durante o curto governo de Miguel Arraes (1963-1964). Assim, a tese busca apontar como diferentes formas de enfrentamento dos problemas no campo contribuíram direta ou indiretamente para a consolidação de instrumentos de luta que se mantiveram como fonte de resistência, mesmo depois do avanço da repressão imposta pelo regime militar / Abstract: The period before the military coup of 1964 was marked by profound social tensions in the Brazilian rural area, with the active participation of organized groups demanding land reform projects and access to rights. This research proposes an analysis of different forms of struggle put into practice in the states of Rio Grande do Sul and Pernambuco between the late 1950s and early 1960s. The gaucho state was the scene for a series of demonstrations that were legitimized by the actions promoted especially during the administration of Leonel Brizola (1959-1963), by using existing legal provisions in the state constitution. In the state of Pernambuco emerged the Peasant Leagues (Ligas Canponesas), a movement that embodied much of the struggle for land reform in the country at the time, settling room for advanced measures, such as the unionization of agricultural workers, introduced in the short government of Miguel Arraes (1963-1964). Thus, the thesis seeks to identify how different ways of coping with problems in the rural area contributed directly or indirectly to the consolidation of instruments of struggle that remained as a source of strength even after the advance of repression imposed by the military regime / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Tese (Magister Scientiae)--Universidade Federal de Viçosa. / Bibliography: leaves 60-61.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--United States International University, 1981. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-119).

Thesis (Diplôme)--École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1975/76. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-286).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1972. / Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 5, 2009).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1975. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves xxiv-xxx).

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-08-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:05Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 desalis_clg_dr_assis.pdf: 1208383 bytes, checksum: 87986f825a3e8f92bf962f80392f2a85 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A partir da década de 50 intensificam-se os debates em torno da efetivação de medidas legais que pudessem viabilizar a execução da reforma agrária no país. Com objetivos ideológicos diversos, direita e esquerda proclamavam a execução da reforma agrária. Paralelamente a esse debate e como conseqüência deste, seguiu-se um período marcado por impasses políticos que obstruíram qualquer tentativa de aprovação de uma legislação agrária para o país. As discussões invariavelmente recaíam sobre os instrumentos, o alcance e a natureza que a reforma agrária deveria assumir. Após o golpe militar, na vigência do governo do Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco ocorreu, para a surpresa de alguns e inconformismo de outros, a promulgação da Lei n.º 4.504. Sob a denominação Estatuto da Terra a lei englobava vários instrumentos anteriormente reivindicados para a execução da reforma agrária. A presente pesquisa objetivou analisar a origem do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello e sua trajetória, nos governos militares posteriores à Castello Branco. Constatou-se que motivação para a organização do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello inseria-se numa concepção econômica para o desenvolvimento nacional, neste sentido o posterior esvaziamento, ou ainda a execução parcial da Lei, não resultariam do fato dela ter sido elaborada apenas com fins políticos, mas sim das incompatibilidades dentro do próprio meio militar e das interpretações dos demais agentes envolvidos na questão agrária. / Right from the 50’s there was an intensification of debates around the legal ways that could allow the execution of an Agrarian Reform in the country. With a range of various ideologies, the right and the left politicians proclaimed the execution of the Agrarian Reform. At the same time of this debate and as its own consequence, there was began a period characterized by political obstacles able to obstruct any try of approval of an Agrarian law to the country. Invariably, all these discussions lead to the instruments, the magnitude and nature the Agrarian Reform should assume. After the Military Stroke, under the Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco Govern, there was a visible surprise of some and indignation of others as results of the promulgation of the Law n.º 4.504. Denominated Earth Statute Law, it included many instruments before claimed to the Agrarian Reform execution. This present research had as its main purpose the analysis of the Earth Statute origin on Castello’s Govern and also its trajectory on subsequent governments. It was realized that the motivation for the organization of Earth Statute on Castello’s Govern was insert into an economic conception to the national development, in this way an subsequent emptying, or even a partial law execution, would not result in the fact that it was elaborated only with politics goals, but of incompatibilities inside the military environment and also inside the interpretation of the other agents evolved to the agrarian issues.

Submitted by ANA TERRA REIS (anaterrareis@gmail.com) on 2016-12-01T14:50:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANA_TERRA_REIS.pdf: 3254373 bytes, checksum: 5279a1d03ff615b2d5954558a1b72867 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-12-05T12:08:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 reis_at_dr_prud.pdf: 3254373 bytes, checksum: 5279a1d03ff615b2d5954558a1b72867 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-05T12:08:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 reis_at_dr_prud.pdf: 3254373 bytes, checksum: 5279a1d03ff615b2d5954558a1b72867 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-18 / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar as possibilidades de resistência protagonizadas pelos camponeses organizados pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) ao avanço do sistema metabólico do capital, a partir da implementação do Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA) em assentamentos do estado de São Paulo. Assim, desenvolvemos em um primeiro capítulo uma síntese acerca do papel do Estado e das políticas públicas que foram sendo desenvolvidas historicamente no Brasil e que reafirmaram o modelo produtivo baseado na grande propriedade, no monocultivo, na super-exploração do trabalho, na exportação de matérias-primas e na destruição do meio ambiente, em detrimento do desenvolvimento da agricultura de base camponesa. Esta realidade histórica define o que é central para a questão agrária no estado de São Paulo, assunto que aprofundamos ao longo do segundo capítulo, abordando a face colonial arcaica do moderno agronegócio, especialmente no que se refere à produção dos cinco maiores cultivos do estado, quais sejam a cana de açúcar, os grãos, a silvicultura, a laranja e a pecuária bovina. No terceiro capítulo abordamos a luta pela terra no estado de São Paulo, trazendo elementos sobre as políticas públicas de reforma agrária e sua consolidação em assentamentos que empreendem a resistência ao sistema metabólico do capital, principalmente quando desempenham o controle político no desenvolvimento destas políticas públicas. Por fim, no quarto capítulo, apresentamos a sistematização dos dados de acesso ao Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos PAA no estado de São Paulo, com vistas a demonstrar os potenciais de resistência decorrentes da implantação deste programa nos assentamentos de reforma agrária. Conclui-se portanto o potencial emancipador do PAA, uma vez que possibilita o rompimento com os agentes de comercialização (atravessadores), a organização de cooperativas e associações, a maior participação de mulheres e jovens, a diversificação da produção, a mudança no modelo produtivo para a matriz agroecológica e o acesso a alimentos sadios para aqueles que vivem em situação de insegurança alimentar. / This paper aims to present the possibilities of resistance leaded by the Landless People Movement (MST) in the progress of the capital´s metabolic system, parting from the implementation of the Food Acquisition’s Program (PAA) in settlements of the State of São Paulo. Therefore, we developed, in the first chapter, a summary about the role of the State and the public policies that have been developed historically in Brazil, and, that reaffirmed the productive model based in big properties, monocultures, the over-exploitation of the workers, the exportation of raw materials and the destruction of the natural environment, over the developing of peasant based agriculture. This historical reality defines what's central for the agrarian issue in the State of São Paulo, matter in which we deepen through the second chapter, approaching the archaic colonial face of the modern agro-business, especially what refers to the production of the five biggest crops of the State, which are sugar cane, beans, forestry, orange, and cattle breeding. In the third chapter, we approach the struggle for the land in the State of São Paulo, bringing elements about the public policies of agrarian reform and its consolidation in settlements that engage the capital´s metabolic system´s resistance, mainly when they play the political control in the developing of these public policies. Finally, in chapter four, we present the systematization of the access data to the Food Acquisition´s Program (PAA) in the State of São Paulo, looking forward to demonstrate the resistance potentials due to the implantation of this program in the settlements of the agrarian reform. Therefore, the emancipatory potential of the Food Acquisition´s Program (PAA) its perceived once it allows the rupture with the commercialization agents (the middleman), the organization of cooperatives and associations, the increasing participation of women and youth, the diversification of the production, the change from the productive model to the agroecology pattern and the access to healthy food for those who live in an unstable food situation.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The thesis examines the processes of social differentiation amongst households living on farms transferred through South African land reform, and the degree to which the ‘commercialisation’ of the cattle economy accounts for these processes. The evidence is drawn from six farms owned by Communal Property Associations (CPAs), which are part of the Besters Land Reform Project in the Besters District of KwaZulu-Natal. Drawing on the scholarship of critical political economists, the thesis shows that social differentiation is a dynamic process that both underlies and exacerbates conflicts over the commercial production of collectively owned cattle. This finding is derived from examining the articulation of three analytically distinct processes. These are the diversification of livelihoods in response to diminishing opportunities for regular wage employment; the social stratifications arising partly from the unequal ownership of cattle; and the differential claims on and extractions made from CPA land and cattle production. The thesis shows that some households are able to accumulate agricultural capital and expand their cattle herds by securing and synchronising a range of livelihoods, including wage employment, social grants and subsidies from CPA farm production. Others, unable to synchronise livelihoods arising from social processes that often run counter to one another, find their cattle herds depleted as they draw on them to survive. When their agricultural production declines, their capacity to generate a livelihood sufficiently robust to withstand shocks is put at risk. This places the collectively owned land, income and assets of the CPAs at the centre of a politics defined by the contradiction between meeting the needs of social reproduction on the one hand, and accumulating farm capital, on the other. This is evidenced in the dynamic nature of the hybridised farm systems in which cattle farming for multiple purposes co-exists with the production of cattle as commodities. Reflecting this materiality, the politics of the CPA draws on older relationships of kinship, underpinned by ceremonial uses of cattle that both reflect and generate broader socio-economic inequalities. The outcome of this fluid and complex ‘politics of the farm’ determines whether land reform produces a small number of ‘winners’ or a greater number of households involved in agricultural petty commodity production. Social differentiation is exacerbated on farms that disband collective production, while households are both more likely to continue farming or to re-enter agricultural petty commodity production where CPA production provides capital and labour inputs. The implications of these findings are that the problems of production on many land reform farms cannot be explained simply in terms of CPAs as troubled institutions. Rather, the dynamics of differentiation constitute CPAs and their enterprises as sites of struggle that render collectively owned production unstable under current land and agrarian policy frameworks. Policy priorities that take cognizance of this politics and support farm level adjudications of member’s rights to land, capital and cash, and support agricultural capital accumulators to exit communal property arrangements could result in limited transformations of the agrarian structure.