Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: An outcome of this thesis, done on farms in South-Africa in the Swartland area, is that the labour structure in agriculture is still predominantly paternalistic and that paternalism and empowerment coexist. This co-existence causes tension between farmers and farm workers as it disrupts the relationship where farmers traditionally had the authority and farm workers were subordinate, but in the modern farm setting have a measure of independence. A qualitative approach was used to investigate how farmers and farm workers perceived their relationship in the past and how they experience it presently. Individual interviews were held with each farmer and focus group discussions with workers on farms. The study discusses how farmers and farm workers maintain paternalism on farms, in the context of the reduced support of the state to white commercial farmers as well as the expansion and formalisation of labour and tenure legislation of workers' rights. The state acted as ‘patron’ to the farmers in the apartheid era, but the state’s patronage to farmers came to an end with the political transition. Farmers feel frustrated and miss the support they enjoyed previously. Legislation which challenges the power and authority of farmers has been extended to farms and provides a framework for the relationship between farmers and farm workers and establishes a context in which this relationship occurs. This has brought about that the power and authority of the “paternalistic” farmers have been exposed and challenged. These changes in farmers’ and farmworkers’ relationship with the state create uncertainties, changes and adjustments in the relationship between farmers and farm workers on farms. Farmers still take control of farms, regardless of any legislation. The farm workers also still tend to define their position as depending on the farmer’s goodwill in conjunction with formal legislation. However, although the workers are still dependent on the farmer, they are also aware of their rights in the new democratic era and they claim these rights. The “old paternalistic relationship” together with the propagation of new legislation causes tensions as well as disruptions in the relationship between famers and farm workers. But, forged in unequal relationships of dependency and loyalty, farmers and farm workers keep commercial agriculture going. The information collected is intended to shed light on the complex relationships between farmers and farm workers on farms. Hopefully this research on several farms in the Western Cape, in the Swartland environment, can contribute to a better understanding of the complex relationship between farmers and farm workers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie, wat gedoen is op plase in Suid-Afrika in die Swartland-omgewing, toon dat die arbeidsopset in die landbou oorwegend paternalisties is en dat paternalisme en bemagtiging op plase saam bestaan. Hierdie saambestaan veroorsaak spanning tussen die boere en plaaswerkers en lei tot ontwrigting in die verhouding waar boere tradisioneel die outoriteit gehad het en die plaaswerkers ondergeskik was, maar nou in die moderne plaasopset onafhanklik is. ’n Kwalitatiewe benadering is gebruik om ondersoek in te stel na hoe boere en plaaswerkers die verhoudings met mekaar in die verlede ervaar het en ook hoe hulle dit tans in die moderne plaasopset ervaar. Daar is individuele onderhoude met die boere gevoer en fokusgroepe met die plaaswerkers in hulle eie natuurlike omgewings gedoen. Die studie beredeneer hoe beide boere en plaaswerkers paternalisme op plase in stand hou, ongeag die verminderde ondersteuning van die staat aan wit kommersiële boere, asook die uitbreiding en formalisering van arbeids- en verblyfregwetgewing om plaaswerkers se regte te beskerm. Die staat het in die apartheidsjare as “beskermheer” teenoor die boere opgetree, maar daardie begunstiging van die staat aan die boere het met die politieke oorgang verval. Boere voel gefrustreerd en mis die ondersteuning wat hulle vroeër ontvang het. Wetgewing wat na plase uitgebrei is, verskaf nou sekere raamwerke waarbinne boere en werkers moet optree en stel ook sekere eise wat die konteks bepaal. Dit het veroorsaak dat die mag en outoriteit van die “paternalistiese boere” tot ’n mate blootgelê en uitgedaag word. Dit veroorsaak verskeie onsekerhede, veranderinge en aanpassings in die verhouding tussen boere en plaaswerkers op plase. Boere neem nog altyd die beheer op plase ongeag wetgewing wat hulle beperk. Die werkers is ook steeds geneig om hulle posisie te definieer as afhanklik van die boer se welwillendheid, naas die formele wetgewing. Maar, alhoewel die plaaswerkers nog altyd afhanklik van die boer is, is hulle tog as gevolg van wetgewing bewus van hulle regte en maak hulle ook aanspraak daarop. Die “ou paternalistiese verhouding” en die uitbreiding van formele wette wat boere beperk, veroorsaak dat spanning en ontwrigting in die verhoudings tussen boere en plaaswerkers ontstaan. Maar, gesmee in ongelyke verhoudings van afhanklikheid en lojaliteit hou boere en plaaswerkers die kommersiële landbou aan die gang. Die inligting wat versamel is beoog om lig te werp op die komplekse verhoudings tussen boere en plaaswerkers op plase. Hopelik sal hierdie navorsing op enkele plase in die Wes-Kaap, in die Swartland-omgewing, kan bydra tot ʼn beter begrip van die komplekse verhouding tussen boere en plaaswerkers.

Summaries in English and Afrikkans / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the labour law position of South African farm workers. For three and a half centuries farm workers constituted the most neglected group in the South African labour force. Consequently, an understanding of their present position can only be obtained by investigating their labour history. As in other parts of the world, farm workers in South Africa held a subordinate position to agricultural employers. Discrimination against black persons added to the inferior socio-economic and political position of South African farm workers. White farmers occupied a strong political position during most of the time under investigation, which enabled them to institute and apply discriminatory legislation and informal methods to overcome labour shortages. The freedom of movement of black people and their access to land were restricted to create a cheap immobile labour force. During the 20th century farmers prevented the inclusion of farm workers in labour legislation by exercising their political influence. Pressure by industrial trade unions and encouragement by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) resulted in the adoption of the Agricultural Labour Act which made labour legislation applicable to farm workers, but precluded them from striking and made allowance for longer working hours than for industrial workers. The new political dispensation facilitated the inclusion of farm workers in general labour legislation without any discriminatory exceptions and land reform legislation now protects farm workers against arbitrary evictions. A bill of rights furthermore guarantees the rights of farm workers which were previously violated. It would superficially seem that farm workers' problems are something of the past. Farm workers, however, remain handicapped in exercising their new rights by historical factors and circumstances peculiar to the agricultural sector. Legal comparison with Ontario and California confirms that legislation alone is insufficient to empower farm workers. It is recommended that the government amend existing legislation to accommodate the special needs of farm workers and that relevant ILO conventions, especially Convention 141 of 1975, be ratified to aid the development of unions for farm workers. This will contribute to the empowerment of and social justice for farm workers. / Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die arbeidsregtelike posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers te ondersoek. Plaaswerkers was vir drie en 'n half eeue die mees afgeskeepte groep in die Suid-Afrikaanse werksmag. Om die huidige posisie van plaaswerkers te begryp is dus slegs moontlik deur 'n bestudering van die regsgeskiedenis van plaaswerkers. Soos in ander werelddele beklee plaaswerkers in Suid-Afrika 'n minderwaardige posisie teenoor landbouwerkgewers. Diskriminasie teenoor swartpersonehet bygedra tot die sosio-ekonomiese en polities minderwaardige posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers. Blanke boere het gedurende die grootste deel van die tydperk onder bespreking 'n sterk politiese posisie beklee wat hulle in staat gestel het om diskriminerende wetgewing en informele metodes aan te wend om arbeidstekorte te bowe te kom. Swart persone se bewegingsvryheid en toegang tot grond is beperk om 'n goedkoop immobiele werksmag te vorm. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het boere se sterk politiese posisie hulle in staat gestel om te verhoed dat plaaswerkers by arbeidswetgewing ingesluit word. Druk deur industriele vakbonde en aanmoediging deur die Intemasionale Arbeidsorganisasie (IAO) het gelei tot die Wet op Landbou-arbeid waardeur arbeidswetgewing op plaaswerkers van toepassing gemaak is, maar wat plaaswerkers verbied het om te staak en wat voorsiening gemaak het vir langer werkure as vir industriele werkers. 'n Nuwe politieke bedeling het gelei tot die insluiting van plaaswerkers in algemene arbeidswetgewing sonder enige diskriminerende uitsonderings en grondhervormingswetgewing beskerm plaaswerkers nou teen arbitrere uitsettings. 'n Handves van menseregte waarborg verder die regte van plaaswerkers wat voorheen misken is. Oenskynlik is die probleme van plaaswerkers nou iets van die verlede. Plaaswerkers word egter steeds in die uitoefening van hulle nuwe regte gestrem deur historiese faktore en die eiesoortige omstandighede van die landbousektor. Regsvergelyking met Kalifomie en Ontario het aangetoon <lat wetgewing alleen nie voldoende is om plaaswerkers te bemagtig nie. Daar word aanbeveel dat die regering bestaande wetgewing wysig om voorsiening te maak vir die spesiale behoeftes van plaaswerkers en dat relevante IA0 konvensies, veral Konvensie 141 van 197 5 geratifiseer word om die ontwikkeling van vakbonde vir plaaswerkers te bevorder. Dit sal bydra tot die bemagtiging van en tot sosiale geregtigheid vir plaaswerkers / Law / LL.D.

Summaries in English and Afrikkans / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the labour law position of South African farm workers. For three and a half centuries farm workers constituted the most neglected group in the South African labour force. Consequently, an understanding of their present position can only be obtained by investigating their labour history. As in other parts of the world, farm workers in South Africa held a subordinate position to agricultural employers. Discrimination against black persons added to the inferior socio-economic and political position of South African farm workers. White farmers occupied a strong political position during most of the time under investigation, which enabled them to institute and apply discriminatory legislation and informal methods to overcome labour shortages. The freedom of movement of black people and their access to land were restricted to create a cheap immobile labour force. During the 20th century farmers prevented the inclusion of farm workers in labour legislation by exercising their political influence. Pressure by industrial trade unions and encouragement by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) resulted in the adoption of the Agricultural Labour Act which made labour legislation applicable to farm workers, but precluded them from striking and made allowance for longer working hours than for industrial workers. The new political dispensation facilitated the inclusion of farm workers in general labour legislation without any discriminatory exceptions and land reform legislation now protects farm workers against arbitrary evictions. A bill of rights furthermore guarantees the rights of farm workers which were previously violated. It would superficially seem that farm workers' problems are something of the past. Farm workers, however, remain handicapped in exercising their new rights by historical factors and circumstances peculiar to the agricultural sector. Legal comparison with Ontario and California confirms that legislation alone is insufficient to empower farm workers. It is recommended that the government amend existing legislation to accommodate the special needs of farm workers and that relevant ILO conventions, especially Convention 141 of 1975, be ratified to aid the development of unions for farm workers. This will contribute to the empowerment of and social justice for farm workers. / Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die arbeidsregtelike posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers te ondersoek. Plaaswerkers was vir drie en 'n half eeue die mees afgeskeepte groep in die Suid-Afrikaanse werksmag. Om die huidige posisie van plaaswerkers te begryp is dus slegs moontlik deur 'n bestudering van die regsgeskiedenis van plaaswerkers. Soos in ander werelddele beklee plaaswerkers in Suid-Afrika 'n minderwaardige posisie teenoor landbouwerkgewers. Diskriminasie teenoor swartpersonehet bygedra tot die sosio-ekonomiese en polities minderwaardige posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers. Blanke boere het gedurende die grootste deel van die tydperk onder bespreking 'n sterk politiese posisie beklee wat hulle in staat gestel het om diskriminerende wetgewing en informele metodes aan te wend om arbeidstekorte te bowe te kom. Swart persone se bewegingsvryheid en toegang tot grond is beperk om 'n goedkoop immobiele werksmag te vorm. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het boere se sterk politiese posisie hulle in staat gestel om te verhoed dat plaaswerkers by arbeidswetgewing ingesluit word. Druk deur industriele vakbonde en aanmoediging deur die Intemasionale Arbeidsorganisasie (IAO) het gelei tot die Wet op Landbou-arbeid waardeur arbeidswetgewing op plaaswerkers van toepassing gemaak is, maar wat plaaswerkers verbied het om te staak en wat voorsiening gemaak het vir langer werkure as vir industriele werkers. 'n Nuwe politieke bedeling het gelei tot die insluiting van plaaswerkers in algemene arbeidswetgewing sonder enige diskriminerende uitsonderings en grondhervormingswetgewing beskerm plaaswerkers nou teen arbitrere uitsettings. 'n Handves van menseregte waarborg verder die regte van plaaswerkers wat voorheen misken is. Oenskynlik is die probleme van plaaswerkers nou iets van die verlede. Plaaswerkers word egter steeds in die uitoefening van hulle nuwe regte gestrem deur historiese faktore en die eiesoortige omstandighede van die landbousektor. Regsvergelyking met Kalifomie en Ontario het aangetoon <lat wetgewing alleen nie voldoende is om plaaswerkers te bemagtig nie. Daar word aanbeveel dat die regering bestaande wetgewing wysig om voorsiening te maak vir die spesiale behoeftes van plaaswerkers en dat relevante IA0 konvensies, veral Konvensie 141 van 197 5 geratifiseer word om die ontwikkeling van vakbonde vir plaaswerkers te bevorder. Dit sal bydra tot die bemagtiging van en tot sosiale geregtigheid vir plaaswerkers / Law / LL.D.

Agriculture is a major employer of labour in South Africa with about 8.8% of the total labour force directly involved in agricultural production (StatsSA, 2007a). Farm wages and working conditions in the Albany district were researched in 1957 by Roberts (1958) and 1977 by Antrobus (1984). Research in 2008, involving face-to-face interviews of a sample survey of 40 Albany farmers, was undertaken to update the situation facing farm labourers and allowed for comparisons with the work previously done. Farm workers were governed by common law until 1994 when the government intervened with legislation. The introduction of the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (1997) for farm workers, amended in 2002 to include minimum wage legislation, and the Extension of Security of Tenure Act (ESTA) of 1997 impacted the supply and demand of farm workers. Other impacts have been due to the Albany district experiencing an increase in the establishment of Private Game Reserves and game-tourism with a simultaneous decline in conventional farming. It was concluded from the survey conducted that minimum wage legislation decreased the demand for regular and increased the demand for casual labour, which incur lower costs including transaction costs, than their regular counterparts. The ESTA of 1997 contributed to a decreased number of farm residents, which had spin-off affects on the supply of labour. Farmers experienced a simultaneous price-cost squeeze, which furthermore decreased the demand for labour. Studying the working and living conditions showed that farm workers had limited access to educational and recreational facilities which negatively impacted the supply of labour.

This thesis examines the agricultural labour process on commercial farms in post-apartheid South Africa with a particular focus on systems of labour control on these farms. Considerable literature exists about the labour process in capitalist society but the capitalist labour process does not exist in any pure form. Rather, different labour processes exist and the specific form they take depends on spatial and temporal conditions. Additionally, labour processes are often economic sector-specific. Because of variation in capitalist labour processes, differences in systems of labour control (or labour control regimes) also arise. Historically, up until the end of apartheid in 1994, the labour control regime on commercial farms in South Africa was marked by a paternalistic despotism of a racialised kind. This in part reflected the fact that commercial farms were simultaneously sites of both economic production and social reproduction and, further, they were very privatised agrarian spaces largely unregulated (specifically with regard to labour) by the state. Since the end of apartheid, commercial farms have been subjected to multiple pressures. Notably, the South African state has strongly intervened in labour relations on commercial farms, and commercial farms have been subjected to ongoing neo-liberal restructuring. This has led to the prospects of changes in the prevailing labour control system on commercial farms. In this context, the thesis pursues the following key objective: to understand changes and continuities in the labour process on commercial farms – and particularly labour control systems – subsequent to the end of apartheid in South Africa. It does so with reference to four farms in Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces.

This thesis is an investigation of the impact of commercial game farming on former farm workers in the Bushman's River area of the Eastern Cape. In its examination of the broader economic and political changes that have facilitated a move from agriculture to game farming, it analyses how these changes affect farm workers. The main concern of the thesis is the ways in which farm workers (at the local level) respond to changes at the national and global level (legal and political changes, the advent of tourism, and the injection of foreign capital and businessmen into the area). Lack of knowledge about their rights under the current political dispensation, as well as the perceived need for mediation between themselves and foreign landowners, points to a general sense of powerlessness. Feelings of alienation from local government structures aimed at fulfilling this function indicate a significant gap between the statute at the national level and the local reality. Local reality is informed by a strong conservatism which is generated by African Independent Church structures and local Xhosa perceptions of manhood and respectability. This conservative discourse leads to a frame of reference which is largely informed by pre-1994 interactions with farmers and government. This results in a situation in which farm workers, largely unaware of their rights in the new dispensation, operate as they did in the past; waiting for landowners to decide their fate for them. What ensues is a lack of meaningful interaction with government and landowners, perpetuating their subjugation and cynicism as to whether government structures are in fact working in their interests. The thesis comes to three main conclusions. The first is that game farming has been negatively received by farm workers due to the associated threats of unemployment and eviction. The second is that despite high levels of subjugation, even the very poor are agents to some degree. The creation of a masculine identity which is internally articulated, as opposed to outwardly expressed, and the grounding of reputation in the family suggest that farm workers have developed mechanisms to deal with their disempowered position. Lastly, farm workers are in possession of social capital which has made it possible for them to deal with their low status in the societal hierarchy. This includes the Church, family and fellow community members. These coping strategies have however proved a disadvantage in the current era because they prevent direct communication with landowners, government and NGOs.

Income inequality is prevalent in both developed and developing countries. In all of these countries there are workers who are highly paid while others are given very low wages. The disgruntled low-paid workers in these countries usually force their governments to intervene in the labour market and introduce the redistributive policies like the minimum wage policy. Governments usually accede to these demands of low-paid workers because they do not want to invite political troubles. That led to an increase in the number of countries using minimum wage policy as redistributive mechanism in the late 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. Minimum wage policy is, however, a very controversial issue. Supporters of minimum wages regard the policy as ideal because it provides social protection to un-unionised and low-paid workers with little or no bargaining power. The opponents of the policy on the other hand argue that wages in the labour market should be determined by the forces of demand and supply. It is argued that wages that are artificially determined lead to the rationing of jobs and displacement of the very same low-paid workers that the policy is intended to protect, as employers are forced to replace unskilled workers with skilled workers and machines. South Africa’s agricultural sector workers were among some of the least paid workers in the country. Employers were able to exploit these workers because they were not protected by any labour legislation that workers in other sectors were afforded. Farm workers were only protected by common law. It was only in the 1990s that labour legislations like Basic Conditions of Employment Act, Labour Relations Act, Employment Equity Act, Extension of Security Act and Tenure Act and Skills Development Act were extended to the agricultural sector in an attempt to protect the working conditions of vulnerable workers. These acts as well failed to improve the working conditions of the agricultural sector workers and that prompted the Minister of Labour to instruct the Director-General of Labour to conduct the necessary investigations to see if it could be necessary to introduce minimum standard of employment in the sector, including minimum wages. That led to the adoption of Sectoral Determination 8 of 2003 which introduced sectoral minimum wage in the sector. The sectoral minimum wage which came into effect in 2003 was increased annually by the rate of inflation plus one per cent. It was only in 2013, after the Western Cape farm workers went on strike for higher wages, that the minimum wage was raised by 52 per cent. As argued by the opponents of minimum wages, job losses occurred among unskilled workers. The implementation of minimum wage policy in the agricultural sector was problematic, as the policy was not properly complied with due to several compliance concerns. Apart from there being insufficient inspectors to monitor and investigate cases of non-compliance, inspectors were under-trained and under-equipped. Fines imposed on offenders were too small, which further encouraged disregard for the policy. / Economics / M. Com. (Economics)