Bibliography: pages166-179. / Changes in the choice of technique in the harvesting and delivery of maize and weeding, the causes of these changes, and their consequences for employment and unemployment, were investigated. Data was collected for 61 farms in six magisterial districts of the Western Transvaal for the period 1968-1981. In 1968 about 30 percent of the crop was being harvested mechanically; by 1981, 95 percent. Sacks, in which almost half of total output was being delivered to depots in 1968, had, by 1977, been almost completely displaced by bulk handling. From 15 percent of the total crop area of 1968, weed sprays were being applied to 95 percent in 1981. There was an increase of about 75 percent in the average surface area of farms, and more than a doubling in the average yield per hectare. The greatest part of most of these changes occurred between 1973 and 1977. The causes of changes in the choice of technique were sought both in theory - neo-classical and historical-materialist - and in empirical evidence. A growing shortage of men but not of women, the convenience and controllability of combine-harvesting, and economies of scale generated by the increasing size of farms, were all important causes. But the cost advantage of mechanical over hand-harvesting on all except the smallest farms is what appears to have been crucial. For various reasons, this was not fully exploited until the middle '70s. Exogenous developments in technology, rather than changes in relative factor prices, should be seen as the fundamental cause of changes in harvesting techniques. Seasonal workers were still employed to glean after combine-harvesting and to hoe spray-resistant weeds, but whereas in the late '60s seasonal harvesting teams consisted typically of a comparatively large number of workers from black rural areas, mainly adults - women in the majority - and a few children, by the late '70s they were composed of a comparatively small number, most of whom were the wives and children of permanent farm workers, living on white farms. Between 1968 and 1981, the number of seasonal jobs per 1 000 hectares of maize fell by about 70 percent in harvesting and delivery, and by 60 percent in weeding. Rough estimates show total seasonal employment to have fallen from about 105 000 to 43 000 annually, the mechanization of reaping being the most important single cause. The employment of permanent workers in harvesting and delivery declined by almost 50 percent per 1 000 hectares, enabling the total number of workers to contract from about 30 000 in 1969 to 25 000 in 1976. Since 1977 employment patterns have stabilized. Though few men appear to have become unemployed because of changes in technology, women from black rural areas, chiefly in Bophuthatswana, have generally not been able to find other jobs. The real wages of permanent workers rose by 150 percent between 1970 and 1981, while those of seasonal workers increased only marginally. Changes in both wage and employment patterns have greatly narrowed the distribution of agricultural income.

Thousands of farmers were saved from bankruptcy by the Department of Agriculture, says Minister Greyling Wentzel. He said in 1986/1987 2 741 farmers who would have been bankrupt were saved through the department’s production aid scheme. The Rill,7m they received as loans enabled them to get a crop in the ground, without which they would have gone under. The debt consolidation scheme likewise helped about 2 000 farmers escape bankruptcy for the period 1983/1984 to 1986/1987.

The issue of social development for farm workers has always been a contentious one, primarily due to a history of development being one of repression and exploitation. Decades of exploitative control have left a social situation characterised by poverty and extreme inequality of power, between farmer and worker, black and white people, and between men and women. The legacy of this brutal past is not only to be found in the conditions under which farm workers now live, but rather the psychological and institutional barriers preventing their achievement of a better life though effectively utilising the opportunities available to them. Poverty and marginalisation is a formidable barrier to overcome in this environment. In becomes clear that any development programme aimed at providing farm workers with support in their struggle for a better life - the essence of “development” - will of necessity need to address these factors. The complexity of the farm situation, with its myriad of historical, social and economic problems, requires an innovative approach which represents a combination of, and compromise between, the priorities for farmers and those of workers, and mechanisms which promote broad based minimum standards as well as innovation and leverage for longer term benefit. The Land and Agricultural Bank of South Africa has initiated a number of products and programmes to promote development and land reform for farm workers. The intention of these is to stimulate farm based development through leveraging the various governmental development programmes and the commitment of landowners. In particular, Land Bank is to introduce a Social Discount Product to provide incentives for the Bank’s clients to implement development projects on their farms. This article explores some of the issues Land Bank has experienced in developing its products to promote farm based development, and specifically the Social Discount Product. It examines in "brief the current development context for farm workers, and in particular their conditions of life and work. It also reviews some of the current mitiatives to promote farm-based development by a variety of actors, governmental, private sector, and civil society. An outline of the Land Bank’s Social Discount Product and other programmes is then presented. Finally, issues and challenges are identified which are critical to the success of development and land reform for farm workers. The article contends that land reform for farm workers cannot be viewed separately from the broader process of development on farms. The reason for this is partly that land reform, or redistribution, will only affect a minimal number of farm workers, while the majority still seek improvement in their life conditions and opportunities. For this reason, it is important to identify the challenges to development on farms, and the spectrum of measures and interventions necessary for promoting overall development. / Paper presented at the SARPN conference on Land Reform and Poverty Alleviation in Southern Africa Pretoria

Bibliography: pages 339-346. / The aim of this research project is to gain knowledge concerning farm labour in the Western Cape. Specifically, we seek to define: a) The role of Coloured people, Africans and Whites as farm workers; b) the interaction amongst the three mentioned racial groups; c) the community structure of the three racial groups; d) tendencies in migration of farm labourers and the problems arising from it; e) the social-economical position of the farm worker in the country; f) the relation between the farmer as the employer and the farm worker.

Labour legislation was introduced into agriculture in the early 1990s with the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (BCEA) being gazetted in 1992. Since the mid-1990s "new" labour legislation pertaining to agriculture has been implemented in South Africa, and includes the Basic Conditions of Employment Act 75 of 1997 (amended), the Unemployment Insurance Act 63 of 2001 (amended), the Labour Relations Act (LRA) 66 of 1995, the Land Reform (Labour Tenants) Act 3 of 1996, the Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of 1997, the Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998, the Skills Development Levies Act 9 of 1999, and the Sectoral Determination (an amendment of the BCEA 75 of 1997) which includes the imposition of minimum wages. This study examines the legislation in detail as well as the implications of this legislation for agricultural labour employment in South Africa. A relative increase in the cost (transaction and wage) and risk associated with labour motivates farmers to replace labour with machinery, machinery contractors, labour contractors or new technologies that are labour-saving. This results in a decrease in the demand for unskilled workers and higher levels of poverty and unemployment in South Africa. This study estimates long-run price elasticities of demand for regular labour in South African (SA) agriculture using both Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression and a Two-stage Least Squares (2SLS) simultaneous equations model. The 2SLS model includes a labour supply equation. Secondary data obtained over a 43 year period (1960-2002) from Statistics South Africa and the Abstract of Agricultural Statistics were used in this study. Both models were estimated for the period 1960-2002, and included a piecewise slope dummy variable for wages with the threshold year taken as 1991 to reflect expected changes in farm labour legislation. Study results show that the estimated long-run price elasticity of demand for labour for the pre-1991 (i.e., 1960-1990) period was -0,25 for the OLS model and -0,23 for the 2SLS model suggesting that the demand for regular labour was jnelastic during this period. For the post-1991 period (1991-2002), the long-run elasticity was estimated as -1,32 for the OLS model and -1,34 for the 2SLS model. This shows a structural change in demand that questions the appropriateness of minimum wage and other labour legislation that has raised the cost of regular farm labour in South Africa. Labour legislation introduced in the early 1990s encouraged farmers to substitute casual workers for regular workers. However, the inclusion of all casual workers in minimum wage legislation from 2006 is expected to slow the casualisation of agricultural labour as farmers turn to labour contractors, chemicals and machinery as the next best substitutes. The study found that an increase (decrease) in the price of chemicals (pesticides and herbicides for crops, and labour saving dips and sprays for animals) result in an increase (decrease) in the demand for regular labour. The demand for labour is also sensitive to changes in real interest rates (used as a proxy for machinery costs). The cost of capital would decrease (increase) as interest rates fall (rise), resulting in farmers adopting more (less) machinery and equipment, causing a decrease (increase) in the demand for regular labour, ceteris paribus. In order to reverse the regular labour unemployment trend in SA agriculture, government could choose to adopt more flexible labour market regulations (i.e., legislation regarding the hiring and dismissing of farm workers, and increases in wages and benefits for the farm worker could be based on the individual performance of each worker as opposed to increasing the wages of the entire workforce through minimum wages) which would reduce labour costs and encourage farmers to employ more labour. / Thesis (M.Agric.Man.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Current mainstream theories of intimacy were derived from studies with primarily White, middle class participants living in developed countries. However, as social contexts shape people’s definitions, meanings and behaviours, it cannot be assumed that mainstream intimacy conceptualisations would apply to other populations. Studies of intimacy should be located in its social and historical context. Previous South African studies of Black and Coloured couples mainly emphasised HIV/Aids, interpartner violence and gender inequality, and neglected to investigate positive aspects of intimate lives of poorer communities. A lack of such context-specific data on how South African men and women construct and experience intimate relationships hinders appropriate and effective interventions. This study addressed this research gap by exploring intimacy experiences of long-term heterosexual adult Coloured couples living in a low-income semi-rural community. The objective of this qualitative study was to gain an understanding of how the participant couples expressed and experienced intimacy. The participants were 15 couples (i.e. 30 participants), between the ages of 23 and 66 years, who had been married or living together for a minimum period of two years. Qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted to explore: (i) how couples understand intimacy, and (ii) how intimacy is expressed and experienced in committed adult heterosexual relationships. Theoretically, this study was informed by social constructionism and interviews were analysed using Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis method. The following themes were identified: (i) closeness means being together, (ii) sex and intimacy (iii) closeness in talking (iv) expressions and experiences of intimacy/closeness through acts of care, (v) alcohol disrupts closeness (vi) family of origin and the constructions of intimacy; and (vii) community constructions and norms. Although much of the international literature suggests that mutual self-disclosure is the foundation for intimacy, self-disclosure did not feature prominently in the narratives of this study’s narratives. Closeness was expressed through sharing in practical and tangible ways. Gender was pertinent to these couples’ experiences and gender roles were fundamental to their intimacy perceptions and behaviours. Despite some contestations of hegemonic masculinity and femininity constructions, most of the participants did not demonstrate an active awareness or resistance regarding learned gender roles. They did not seem to consider these gender roles as problematic, limited or limiting, nor did they indicate alternative gender ideas. This was attributed partly to poverty and low education levels, which constrain people’s access to alternative gender perspectives. Religion and community influences also play an important role in their understanding of their role as partner. Although Christianity endorses traditional gender ideas, the participants themselves felt that their religious beliefs and practices facilitated intimate experiences, and prevented alcohol abuse and domestic violence. In conclusion, implications for policy and practice in terms of gender inequality and alcohol abuse are discussed, as are the limitations of the study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Huidige hoofstroom teorieë van intimiteit is afgelei van studies met hoofsaaklik Wit, middelklas-deelnemers. Aangesien sosiale konteks mense se definisies, betekenis en gedrag met betrekking tot intimiteit vorm, kan dit egter nie aanvaar word dat die hoofstroom konseptualisering van intimiteit ook van toepassing sal wees op ander bevolkingsgroepe nie. Studies van intimiteit moet geleë wees in die sosiale en historiese konteks. 'n Gebrek aan sodanige konteks-spesifieke data oor hoe verskillende groepe Suid-Afrikaanse mans en vroue intieme verhoudings verstaan en beleef, kan toepaslike en effektiewe verhouding ingrypings belemmer. Verder het vorige Suid Afrikaanse studies oor Swart en Kleurling paartjies hoofsaaklik gefokus op HIV/VIGS, paartjie geweld en geslags ongelykhede en het nagelaat om positiewe aspekte van die intieme lewe van paartjies in arm gemeenskappe te ondersoek. Hierdie studiehet hierdie navorsing leemte aangespreek deur te verken hoe hoe langtermyn, heteroseksuele, volwasse paartjies in 'n lae-inkomste semi-landelike gemeenskap intimiteit verstaan, beleef en uitdruk. Die deelnemers was 15 paartjies (d.w.s 30 deelnemers), tussen die ouderdomme van 23 en 66 jaar, wat getroud was of saamgewoon het vir 'n tydperk van ten minste twee jaar. Kwalitatiewe semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude is gevoer om die volgende te verken: (i) hoe paartjies intimiteit verstaan, en (ii) hoe intimiteit betoon en ervaar word in toegewyde volwasse heteroseksuele verhoudings. Die studie is teoreties geskoei op sosiale konstruktiwisme en onderhoude is ontleed met behulp Braun en Clarke se tematiese analise metode. Die volgende temas is geïdentifiseer uit die onderhoude: (i) nabyheid beteken om saam te wees, (ii) seks en intimiteit, (iii) nabyheid deur gesels (iv) uitdrukkings en ervarings van intimiteit deur dade van sorg, (v) alkohol ontwrig saamwees, (vi) die invloed van die familie van oorsprong op die konstruksie van intimiteit, (vii) gemeenskap konstruksies en norme. Alhoewel die internasionale literatuur aandui dat wedersydse selfonthulling die grondslag vir intimiteit vorm, het self-onthulling nie prominent in die deelnemers se vertellings voorgekom nie. Nabyheid is eerder beleef en betoon deur praktiese en tasbare dade en gebare. Geslagsrolle was fundamenteel in paartjies se belewing en uitvoering van intimiteit. Ten spyte daarvan dat sommige individuele deelnemers hegemoniese geslagsrolle bevraagteken het, het die meerderheid deelnemers nie ‘n aktiewe bewustheid of weerstand getoon rakende geleerde geslagsrolle nie. Hulle het skynbaar nie hierdie geslagsrolle as problematies, of beperkend gesien nie. Hulle het ook nie aangedui dat hulle alternatiewe geslagsrol idees het nie. Dit word gedeeltelik toegeskryf aan armoede en lae vlakke van onderrig wat mense se toegang tot alternatiewe geslagsrolle en perspektiewe beperk Godsdiens en gemeenskap invloede speel ook 'n belangrike rol in hul begrip van hul rol as lewensmaat. Alhoewel Christenskap tradisionele geslag idees onderskryf, het die deelnemers gevoel dat hulle godsdienstige oortuigings en praktyke intieme ervarings fasiliteer, asook die misbruik van alkohol en huishoudelike geweld verhoed. Dit impliseer dat godsdiens bydra by tot die skepping en instandhouding van manlikheid en vroulikheid idees in hierdie gemeenskap. Ten slotte, is implikasies vir beleid en praktyk in terme van geslagsongelykheid en alkoholmisbruik bespreek, asook die beperkinge van die studie.

No abstract available. / Thesis (MBA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2005.

Includes bibliography. / This is an exploratory study which investigates changes introduced by management on farms in Elgin and explores the perceptions of some of those involved in the changes. The initiatives and activities of the Rural Foundation for Community Development (Rural Foundation) and its involvement in these changes forms a crucial part of the exploration. Three questions direct the study. 1. What are the changes that have been introduced? 2. Why were they introduced? 3. What is the social meaning of the changes? The study is based on a case study of four farms. Documentary material was collected from a variety of sources including the Rural Foundation, the South African Government, as well as other agencies operating in the field. Interviews with various actors were conducted, including management and a selection of workers on each of the four farms, Rural Foundation officials as well as other actors connected to the developments on the farms. The study is informed by historical materialist theory and draws from certain labour process theories. Important for the study was the discussion raised in these theories around the effect that workers' motivation has on their productivity. The study is located in the context of the national historical development of capitalist agriculture since the Second World War. More specifically it is situated locally in terms of changes that occurred on Elgin farms more generally prior to the 1980's as well as the present general circumstances in the area. Three fields of change are identified on the four farms: (i) training of workers, (ii) new incentives and pay structures, and (iii) community development. It is asserted that these changes are measures introduced by management in an attempt to, firstly, decrease production costs by employing greater numbers of women and migrant workers and paying them less. Secondly, they are aimed at increasing the productivity of workers through measures designed to improve the 'quality' and stability of workers and to develop a new authority structure on the farms. Four trends are thus identified as occurring on the farms: 1. Increasing use of women and migrant workers. 2. An improvement in workers' living conditions and standards. 3. An increasing emphasis on improving workers' productivity. 4. A shift in the emphasis on control towards developing workers' consent.

Bibliography: pages 182-190. / The thesis examines adolescent experience on two grape-growing farms in the Western Cape. Particular attention is paid to the daily lives of farm residents with special reference to adolescents and the power relations between farmers and farm residents and between males and females insofar as they affect adolescents. The current literature on conditions on white-owned farms in South Africa lacks detailed research at the micro-level. This thesis begins to fill the gaps in the literature by providing an understanding of how people on the farms pursue their day-to-day lives. Six months intensive fieldwork was conducted on two farms in the Western Cape. During this time participant observation was supplemented by a household survey, the correction of life-histories and interviews with farm residents. Adolescent labour was documented in both summer and winter by using observations, 24-hour recalls and instant checks. An important theme which recurs throughout the thesis is that of the entrapment and encapsulation of farm residents. I show that despite the fact that different people - men, women and adolescent girls and boys - have different options for resisting the constraints of farm existence, they remain trapped in the valley with few alternative opportunities for employment elsewhere.

Processes of dispossession led to the deconstructing and reconstructing of new forms of citizenship through new political identities. Concepts of citizenship and identity are now re - emerging with the reconstruction of a new political order post 1994. Who farm dweller families are in the newly constructed polity, or how their identities are understood by the new state, will have bearing on what they can rightfully access as part of the programmes of redress and transformation. Making the argument that farm dwellers are neither ‘peasant’ nor ‘labour’ or ‘worker’ in the dominant theoretical sense the research sets out to contextualise the farm dwellers’ development dilemma. This research attempts to situate farm dweller families in a dynamic and his torically fraught political economy so that a more accurate consideration is given to the impact of future settlement options on their households’ economy. This study evaluates the relationship between farm dweller settlement patterns and their household f ood security. in the Amajuba District of KwaZulu - Natal, South Africa. The situation of the farm dweller families in the Amajuba district tells a story of extreme vulnerability. The vulnerability is a product of their dependent relationship on the owners of the land for permission to access these basic but critical livelihood needs. Their continued dependence on natural resources, rather than the cash economy, is also a product of this decades’ long relationship which has perpetuated levels of generational chronic poverty. The cycle of this level of poverty is clearly vicious and without directed targeted intervention might take generations to overcome, if it is ever broken. The political economic context of an aggressive global food industry fed by industrial forms of agriculture, the levels of vulnerability, dependency and lack of agency in the farm dweller household economy and the incredibly uncertain government settlement and agricultural policy environment, makes the feasibility of new rural settlemen ts with new forms of economic and social functionality almost unimaginable. What the research finds is that in presenting the farm dweller perspective a good motivation can be made for developing a specific targeted state intervention that has short, medium and long term trajectories to provide farm dwellers with redress, and economic development opportunities. / Thesis (M.U.R.D.P.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009.