Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1930. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 135-139.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-206).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-87).

Ethnic and religious conflict, and the deepening of capitalism have led to global diaspora at unprecedented levels. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees reported that as of 2015, 1 in every 122 persons worldwide were either a refugee, internally displaced, or seeking asylum. The U.S. currently admits the largest number of refugees worldwide. However, policies fail to reflect the multitude of elements that constitute successful resettlement. Moreover, many refugees come from farming backgrounds and are forced to migrate to a landless urban environment, where their skill sets may not be utilized and farm land is not available. I argue that existing resettlement processes are embedded in logics and practices that alienate humans from nature and from each other through competition, isolation, and placeless environments. Through an exploration in concepts of urban agriculture, place-making, identity, and otherness, and illuminating the experiences of resettled refugees involved in a community gardening project in Fort Worth, Texas, show how the urban refugee garden provides the individual a space to narrate an identity, and to resist industrial agriculture and labor outside their industry. Exploring best practices in resettlement should be a priority to governments, politicians, and communities involved in the process and highlight the reasons to advocate these types of resettlement alternatives.

Thesis (MPhil (Sustainable Development Planning and Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Local food systems are growing in scope and impact in communities around the world in an attempt to solve many of the environmental, social, and economic costs of global food production and conventional food chains. Communities may attain greater sustainability by reconfiguring their relationship to agriculture and food but critics of local food systems doubt its ability to fundamentally change the predominant global agricultural system due in part to the limited transformative range. Furthermore, local food systems are often viewed in reference to “food miles”, a concept that is oversimplified and ignores the complexity of food supply chains. This paper is motivated by these larger debates about local food systems and addresses a local food system in Portland, Oregon. The research for this paper is based on interviews conducted in the restaurant and farming sectors in the Portland area in an effort to learn what motivates restaurants and farms to engage in local partnerships, the challenges and opportunities they face selling and buying local food, and the practices along their food supply chains. The objective of this study is to understand the degree to which restaurant farm partnerships in Portland are supporting a sustainable local food system and to help identify strategies and opportunities for more restaurants and farms to engage in local partnerships. Furthermore, this research provides pragmatic examples for other communities interested in stimulating a local food system based on direct marketing. The findings of this study suggest Portland’s restaurant farm partnerships are making a small, yet significant effort to encourage innovative environmental and social practices, address the sustainability of urban and rural Portland, and deepen the food miles debate. Further efforts need to be made by the restaurant farm partnerships in Portland to expand on restaurant’s sustainable practices, find more innovative transportation means, and improve consumer education.

The major purpose of this study is to analyze and assess the validity of those charges which have alleged: (1) that political parties impede voters' efforts to make rational choices between issue alternatives and between candidates by failing to take clear cut positions on the issues which confront them; and (2) that the parties frustrate the efforts of the voters to appraise legislative performance because that performance bears little resemblance to the program which the parties presented to the electorate. A second purpose of the study is historical: to investigate, and present an account of political and legislative developments in the nineteen fifties and early nineteen sixties regarding four relatively broad issues. Each of these issues--foreign aid, civil rights, labor-management relations, and farm policy-received major national attention during the decades of the fifties and sixties and each continues to be significant as the nation enters the decade of the seventies.The study began by tracing the main elements in the historic background of the above issues. This background served as the springboard from which the investigations into the role of the political parties in formulating and implementing public policies were launched. The positions which the Democratic and Republican Parties developed on the issues were examined and contrasted for 1952 and 1960. In addition, the elaboration of these positions by the respective Presidential candidates was examined. The four issues were then studied as they were formulated into legislative proposals, and party legislative performance with respect to them was described and analyzed for the 83rd and 87th Congresses. These two Congresses were selected because in each one the party which had been out of power was reassuming control of both houses of Congress as well as the Presidency.The investigation of the four issues and the analysis of party performance with respect to them yielded only qualified answers to the two questions which guided the investigation. These two questions were: (1) Did the parties take clear-cut positions on the issues?; and (2) Did the party which controlled the Government follow through on the positions it had taken? With respect to party positions the study revealed that on two of the issues the parties did offer diametrically opposed alternatives. These two issues were labor-management relations and farm policy. Moreover, distinguishable alternatives were offered on the other two issues, foreign aid and civil rights.In the implementation of party programs the study revealed that on two of the issues, labor-management relations and civil rights, the Republicans in the 83rd and the Democrats in the 87th Congress honored their pledges more in the breach than in the observance. On the other hand, both parties did implement programs in foreign aid and in farm policy which corresponded with the programs they had sented during the respective campaigns.The data indicate then, that there were distinguishable differences between the positions taken by the parties on those issues which the study covered. In addition, the process by which these positions were reached as well as the legislative debates on the proposals stemming from them, should have enhanced, rather than inhibited the citizen's understanding of the important issues. Finally, the legislative debates and the voting records of the party members provided a basis for evaluating party performance. The results of this study strongly suggest that the interested citizen who takes the time to do so can use the machinery of the American party system to make intelligent choices at election time, and to evaluate the performance of the individuals and the party for whom he has voted.3

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T23:41:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lima_Thiago_D.pdf: 3604427 bytes, checksum: 84dad2487212a606707cb5324e81d87d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Recorremos à noção de Complexo Agroindustrial (CAI) para examinar a fonte do poder político que mantém os programas de subsídios em funcionamento, mesmo diante de toda contestação estadunidense e estrangeira a eles. Concluímos que os subsídios conferem às fazendas a capacidade de continuar funcionando numa lógica que privilegia os negócios de diversos segmentos dos CAI, apesar de elas serem frequentemente deficitárias. Neste contexto, é improvável que as políticas de subsídio sejam resultado apenas do interesse de grupos de produtores agrícolas. O objetivo da tese não é refutar a análise pluralista ¿ a dominante ¿ da concessão de subsídios agrícolas. É oferecer um ângulo alternativo e complementar para a análise deste fenômeno. Nosso estudo sobre a economia política dos CAI demonstra que diversos interesses, incluindo os de Estado, compõem os consensos que ordenam o funcionamento da acumulação capitalista nos referidos Complexos. As fazendas produtoras de commodities subsidiadas são peças muito importantes para a dinamização de setores intimamente ligados à sofisticada agricultura estadunidense, dos quais destacamos quatro: fornecedores de insumos agrícolas (maquinário, químicos, sementes etc.); processadores (indústria alimentícia e de rações, mercadores); serviços financeiros (crédito, seguros); setor imobiliário (proprietários de terras). O Estado, por sua vez, é ator interessado neste modelo e não apenas uma arena onde grupos societais travam disputas políticas. Conclui-se que a resiliência dos subsídios agrícolas nos EUA decorre de uma fonte de poder político muito maior e mais difusa do que a que emana das cerca de 40% das fazendas americanas que recebem subsídios / Abstract: The mainstream analysis of agricultural protectionism in the U.S. emphasizes the relationships between interest groups and legislators, as well as the institutional environments in which agricultural legislation is drafted. Although these relationships are of highest importance, agricultural policy should be examined in a larger and more complex context, since agricultural activity itself, within farms, is only a small part of the agrifood systems responsible for most of the food and fibers supply. We resort to the notion of Agroindustrial Complex (CAI, in Portuguese) to examine the source of the political power that keeps the subsidy programs in operation, even with all the American and foreign criticism to them. We conclude that subsidies allow farms the ability to continue running in a logic that favors the business of various segments of the CAI, although the farms are often deficient. In this context, it is unlikely that the subsidy policies are the result of farm groups¿ interest only. The aim of the thesis is not to refute the dominant, pluralist analysis of the politics agricultural subsidies. It is to offer an alternative and complementary perspective to analyze this phenomenon. Our study of the political economy of CAI shows that various interests, including the State ones, arrange the consensus that orders the functioning of capitalist accumulation in these Complexes. The farms producing subsidized commodities are very important pieces for the dynamics of sectors closely related to the sophisticated American agriculture, of which four are highlighted: agricultural inputs suppliers (machinery, chemicals, seeds, etc.); processors (food and animal feed industry, merchants), financial services (credit, insurance), real estate (land owners). The State, in turn, is an actor interested in this model and not just an arena where societal groups engage in political disputes. We conclude that the resilience of agricultural subsidies in the U.S. stems from a source of political power far greater and more diffuse than that that emanates from nearly 40% of all American farms that receive subsidies / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política