Texte remanié de : Thèse de doctorat : Philologie : Universidad Complutense de Madrid : 2002. / Bibliogr. p. 213-219.

T. doct.--Universidad complutense de Madrid, 1990.

This thesis comprises an attempt to re-evaluate the experience and the survival of the indigenous Christian population of al-Andalus. It is a response to two problematic aspects of the historiography, whose authority has only recently begun to be questioned: first, the inordinate focus upon the polemical and problematic mid-ninth-century Cordoban hagiography and apologetic of Eulogius and Paul Albar, whose prejudiced vision has not only been accepted as a source of social history, but also projected onto all Andalusī Christianity to support the second – the assertion that conversion happened early and en masse, and led to their eradication in the early twelfth century. Eulogius and Albar’s account of a Córdoba oppressed and Christians persecuted (a trope herein dubbed the ecclesia destituta) has dominated thinking about the indigenous Christians of al-Andalus, due to its championing by Catholic historians since the texts’ rediscovery and publication in 1574, and by nineteenth-century Spanish nationalists to whose ideological and patriotic purposes it was amenable. The Cordobans’ account is here re-evaluated as regards its value as a historical artefact and its internal problems are outlined. The discrepancies between the picture created by Eulogius and Albar and that of other contemporary reports, and the problematic hagiography, are then explained to some degree by the literary models Eulogius had at his disposal – of primary interest are the classical pagan poetics of Vergil, Horace and Juvenal and the late antique theology of Augustine. Albar’s famous despair at the Arabisation of the Christian youth has, in conjunction with Eulogius’ ecclesia destituta and the relative scarcity of documentary evidence for the Christians of Andalusī territory, formed the crux of assumptions regarding the speed and extent of Arabisation and conversion. In reassessing Richard Bulliet’s ‘curve of conversion’, which seemed on a faulty reading to prove these assumptions, the second part of the thesis seeks to argue that profound Arabisation did not impact until a century later than is thought and resulted not in assimilative decline but in a late cultural flowering, and show the long, and in many places unbroken, survival of indigenous Christian communities in al-Andalus to the early fifteenth century.

Esta tesis tiene como objetivo identificar los criterios constructivos que emplearon los campesinos andalusíes de Ricote (Murcia, España) a la hora de levantar su espacio irrigado. Esto es, las preferencias que tuvieron a la hora de seleccionar el emplazamiento y el tamaño de la zona de trabajo, el proceso constructivo de las primeras terrazas y la rapidez con la que se construyó todo el espacio irrigado original. Los métodos empleados han sido la arqueología hidráulica, la elaboración de un registro topográfico, la prospección y excavación arqueológica y la geoarqueología. A día de hoy la huerta de Ricote se extiende la lo largo de 120 hectáreas y ocupa entornos topográficos muy heterogéneos. Está situada en una hoya, una llanura rodeada de montañas. Las terrazas irrigadas se extienden en zonas llanas y en vertientes, en áreas insoladas y de umbría, en espacios inundables y en terrenos con suelos más o menos profundos y salinos. La extensión actual de la huerta es el resultado de la incorporación al riego de espacios inicialmente rechazados. En 1613, por ejemplo, el sistema hidráulico ya tenía las dimensiones actuales. En 1495, sin embargo, solo ocupaba los terrenos más bajos, profundos e insolados de la hoya, así como amplios espacios inundables. Las laderas no habían sido aún roturadas. Para entonces, las acequias podían regar unas 50 hectáreas. El espacio original andalusí era mucho más pequeño y probablemente solo ocupaba unas 1,9 hectáreas. Los andalusies escogieron para emplazar el área de trabajo fundacional la falda de una de las laderas de la hoya. Era una zona muy insolada, situada a 1,2 kilómetros de la captación. Estaba protegida de las inundaciones y disponía de suelos gruesos y menos salinos que los existentes en los terrenos más profundos. El suelo escogido era muy alcalino y grueso, y sus características limitaban severamente las plantas que podían crecer de forma natural. Los campesinos lo desbrozaron de arbustos empleando fuego y lo aterrazaron. Utilizaron el mismo suelo quemado de la vertiente para construir las terrazas, muy anchas (entre 0,7 y 0,1 ha) y con muros bajos (<2 m). Durante el proceso constructivo invirtieron los horizontes del suelo y depositaron primero como relleno de la terraza el horizonte A, utilizando el Bk como superficie de cultivo. En total, habrían removido más de 10,000 m3 de sedimento para construir las parcelas de trabajo, probablemente ya operativas a finales del siglo VIII. Este estudio, en definitiva, reconstruye a partir del caso de Ricote todo el proceso inicial de selección, colonización y transformación de un entorno semi-árido en una zona de cultivo intensivo. El trabajo, además, muestra las posibilidades que ofrece la geoarqueología en la identificación de los paisajes preexistentes a la llegada de los andalusíes y en la reconstrucción de las labores destinadas a levantar las zonas de trabajo. / This thesis aims at identifying the criteria followed by the Andalusi peasant groups of Ricote (Murcia, Spain) for the construction of their hydraulic system. This includes their priorities for the selection of the location of the irrigated fields, their choices regarding the size of the working area and the construction techniques of the earliest terraces, and the time invested in the construction of the system’s original layout. The methodologies adopted are those of hydraulic archaeology, the development of a topographic register, archaeological survey, excavation and geoarchaeology. Today the hydraulic system of Ricote covers an extension of around 120 ha, over a highly heterogeneous landscape. It is located inside a hoya, a plain surrounded by mountains. The irrigated terraces extend over flat and inclined, richly and poorly insolated areas, areas in risk of inundation, areas with more or less deep soils and with varying degrees of salinity. The current extension of the hydraulic system is a result of the later incorporation of areas which were initially discarded. For example, by 1613 AD the system had already achieved its current size. In 1495 AD, however, it had only reached the lowest, deepest and better insolated areas of the hoya, including significant inundation areas. The slopes had not yet been incorporated. At this stage, the channels may have irrigated around 50 ha. The original Andalusi irrigated fields were much smaller, and probably only reached around 1.9 ha. The Andalusi peasants chose the lowest slopes of one of the faces of the hoya. This was a richly insolated area, located circa 1.2 km away from the water catchment area. It was an inundation-free area, and the soils were coarse and less saline than in lower zones. The soil was also highly alkaline, severely limiting wild plant growth. The peasants cleared it of shrubs by burning and afterwards built the terraces. The soil used to fill the terraces was taken from the burnt slope. The terraces were wide (between 0,7 and 0,1 ha) and the retaining walls low (<2 m). The construction process involved the inversion of the soil horizons, using horizon A as the fill and horizon Bk as cultivation surface. In total, over 10,000 m3 of sediment had already been shifted by the 8th century. In short, this study examines – using Ricote as a case study – the process of selection, colonisation and transformation of an arid environment in an area dedicated to intensive agriculture. Additionally, this work also shows the potential of geoarchaeology in the identification of past landscapes, before the arrival of the Andalusi peasants, and in the reconstruction of the works carried out for the construction of their working areas.

Trad. de: Th. doct.--Université de Lyon 2, 1972. Titre de soutenance : Tribus arabes et berbères en Al-Andalus. / Bibliogr. p. 569-610.

In my thesis I deal with the question whether we can consider the social system of al-Andalus as religiously tolerant. I represent al-Andalus, the Iberian state, dominated by Muslims of Arab and Berber origin between 711-1492. I focus on the reign of the Umayyad dynasty from the 8th to 10th century called "Golden Age". I want to show on Mozarabes ("arabized Christians"), that the present view of tolerance in al-Andalus is distorted by its own history of myth. I also deal with reference to al-Andalus in the present, both among Christians and Muslims. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

La musique d’al-Andalus a fait couler beaucoup d’encre. Différents mythes et constructions historiographiques circulent à son sujet. Pourtant, elle n’a jamais réellement été étudiée dans une perspective historique, alors même qu’elle se situe à la croisée d’enjeux cruciaux pour la société andalousienne. Traces matérielles d’une pratique musicale profane se déroulant dans des contextes festifs et de loisirs, les instruments se trouvent au cœur de nombreuses problématiques comme le contrôle des mœurs par les juristes, la mise en scène du pouvoir politique, les échanges culturels avec l’Orient et leur rôle dans la construction d’une identité andalousienne. Ils ne peuvent être appréhendés qu’en mobilisant des sources variées, aussi bien textuelles qu’iconographiques ou archéologiques. Une analyse de la façon dont ils étaient définis et envisagés dans la société andalousienne a ainsi été menée grâce au croisement de ces sources. Cette approche a également permis de dresser un panorama des instruments effectivement en usage en al-Andalus entre le IIIᵉ/IXᵉ siècle, période d’apparition des premières sources, et le tournant des VIᵉ/XIIᵉ-VIIᵉ/XIIIᵉ siècles, quand la réduction territoriale d’al-Andalus et l’intensité des échanges culturels avec le reste de la péninsule et le Maghreb limitent la pertinence d’une étude de la musique dans le stricte cadre andalousien. Enfin, la mise en parallèle des différents types de sources a aussi éclairé les pratiques sociales et les discours politiques convoquant les instruments. / A lot has been written about al-Andalus’ music. Various myths and misconceptions pervade its historiography. Furthermore, it has never really been studied from an historical point of view, even though it stands at the crossroads of several issues central to al-Andalus’s society. Musical instruments can be studied as material traces of a profane musical practice taking place in celebrative and leisure contexts. They raise numerous questions, such as the setting of moral regulations by religious authorities, the representation of political power, the staging of cultural exchanges between East and West Islamic worlds and the development of an Andalusian identity. A comprehensive study of Andalusian musical instruments requires an analysis of iconographical evidence and archaeological material as well as written sources. It is indeed impossible to grasp the definition and the conception of lusical instruments in Andalusian society without comparing different types of sources. This multidisciplinary perspective also helped in understanding the panorama of the instruments in use in al-Andalus between the 3rd/9th Century – when the first sources can be dated – and the end of the 6th/12th Century – when a study of Andalusian music has to leave al-Andalus’ shrinking borders to focus as well on the cultural exchanges with the rest of the Peninsula and the Maghreb. Finally, a detailed investigation of social practices and political discourses using musical instruments can only be conducted through the study of various sources.

Texte remanié de: Th. / Bibliogr. p. 215-240. Index.

This dissertation focuses on how the Marrakech-based Almohads and their independent Muslim rivals in eastern al-Andalus contested spiritual and temporal power. The rulers of Sharq al-Andalus opposed Almohad claims to a divinely granted authority rooted in a new messianic interpretation of the caliphate. Instead, they articulated a vision of legitimacy linked to earlier Sunni forms, and connected their rule more closely to the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad than any previous Andalusī dynasty had done. One minted coins that included the name of the Abbasid caliph, and another received official permission from the Abbasids to rule as governor of al-Andalus. This dissertation examines the written sources, coins and architecture produced in the courts of Andalusī and Almohad rulers to explore how they legitimated their authority. It argues that the conflict among these Muslim rivals in many ways superseded their battles against Christians. The Almohads saw anyone—Muslim, Christian or Jewish—who did not submit to their rule and their conception of Islam as infidels, and said that jihad against non-Almohad Muslims was more important than jihad against Christians. Nevertheless, later Arabic sources attempted to cast the conflict between the independent rulers of al-Andalus and the Almohads as part of a broader Christian-Muslim clash. The alliances Andalusī rulers made with Christian kings, and, in some cases, their Christian roots, made their religious allegiance to Islam suspect. This attitude has continued in modern scholarship as well. This dissertation instead argues that the independent rulers of al-Andalus and their Almohad counterparts were engaged in a broader debate, common to the wider Islamic world, about what constituted righteous Islamic authority. As the population of the territories ruled by Muslims became majority Muslim, new groups began to gain power, eroding the primacy of the Arab caliphate. Like their Persian and Turkic contemporaries to the east, the Berber and Andalusī rulers of the Islamic west struggled to negotiate between the caliphal ideal of Islamic unity and the increasingly decentralized political world they encountered. Analyzing the conflicts among these rivals illuminates the questions that animated the Islamic world as new spiritual and political forms were emerging.

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