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Dr. A.L. Geyer as Suid-Afrika se hoë kommissaris in die Verenigde Koninkryk (1950-1954)Heiberg, Jacobus Petrus 12 1900 (has links)
Dissertation (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Dr. A.L. Geyer's appointment in June 1950 as the Union's new High Commissioner to
London was largely due to the political objectives of the then government. He was
confronted by a number of related challenges, i.e. the furthering of the existing multifaceted
South-African-British relations, the promotion of the apartheid policy and
convincing the Union's critics as to the merits of the above policy.
Geyer, a loyal Afrikaner and staunch republican, experienced soon after arrival that the
policy of apartheid and the Union Government's insistence on the transfer of the High
Commission territories were placing the existing diplomatic relations under considerable
strain. To Geyer's frustration the Union Government failed to realise that the application
of the apartheid policy 'was affecting South Africa's foreign relations detrimentally. The
effect of the Union's domestic policies was therefore prohibiting any possibility of the
transfer of the British-controlled neighbouring territories. Geyer was thus faced with
maintaining a delicate balance between white-centred aspirations in South Africa,
championing South Africa's interests overseas and his own evolving perspective that the
application of the apartheid policy was not going to be acceptable to the outside world.
Geyer was also well aware that the Cold War would contribute substantially to the
constitutional liberation of the former British colonies in Africa, which in turn would
affect the composition of the Commonwealth and South Africa's future membership. He
therefore took Union politicians to task for actions that were geared to satisfy short-term
party-political expectations, without taking into account both the national and
international ramifications of such actions.
Geyer did not differ fundamentally with the principles and objectives of apartheid;
however, he was no stereotyped Afrikaner who simply supported apartheid without any
questioning. In his public appearances he emphasised the historical, cultural and sociopolitical
motivation for apartheid, the practical embodiment of the policy and the rights
and role of the whites in South Africa. He portrayed apartheid as a political model that
envisages equal, but separate development for all races that would ensure the peaceful co- existence of a multi-racial community. Geyer continuously emphasised that only visible
and positive results emanating from the application of apartheid, would guarantee
acceptance of the policy and also secure the future of the white population in South
Africa. Geyer was therefore very critical of the government's inability to give meaningful
content to the policy of apartheid.
Geyer's biggest personal disappointment was the inability of his mentor and friend, Dr.
D.F. Malan, to rise above the role of the party politician in becoming a competent
Minister of Foreign Affairs and as Prime Minister, a statesman of international stature. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke oogmerke het daartoe gelei dat die Unieregering vir dr. A.L. Geyer in Junie
1950 na Londen gestuur het as die Unie se nuwe Hoë Kommissaris. Hy is deur verwante
uitdagings gekonfronteer, naamlik om die veelvlakkige Suid-Afrikaans-Britse
betrekkinge uit te bou, om die apartheidsbeleid te bevorder en om die kritici van die
Unieregering te oortuig dat daar geregverdigde meriete in die beleid is.
Geyer, 'n lojale en republikeinsgesinde Afrikaner, het na sy aankoms ervaar dat die
Unieregering se apartheidsbeleid en die volgehoue aandrang om die oordrag van die Hoë
Kommissariaatgebiede, toenemende diplomatieke spanning tussen die lande veroorsaak
het. Tot Geyer se frustrasie kon die Unieregering nie insien dat die toepassing van die
apartheidsbeleid direkte invloed uitoefen op Suid-Afrika se buitelande betrekkinge nie,
wat weer die oordrag van die Brits-beheerde gebiede onmoontlik gemaak het. Geyer
moes gevolglik 'n delikate balans handhaaf tussen die blanksentriese verwagtinge in die
Unie, die bevordering van Suid-Afrika se belange in die buiteland en sy groterwordende
perspektief dat die toepassing van die apartheid nie vir die buitewêreld aanvaarbaar is nie.
Geyer was ook terdeë daarvan bewus dat die Koue Oorlog, die grondwetlike ontvoogding
van Brittanje se Afrika-kolonies sou verhaas, wat weer beduidende implikasies vir die
samestelling van die Statebond en die Unie se voortgesette lidmaatskap ingehou het. Hy
het Unie-politici dus gewaarsku teen optredes wat daarop toegespits was om korttermyn
partypolitieke verwagtinge te bevredig, sonder om die nasionale en ook internasionale
implikasies van die uitsprake te verreken.
Geyer het geen fundamentele verskille met die beginsels en oogmerke van apartheid
gehad nie, maar terselfdertyd was hy ook nie 'n stereotipe Afrikaner en naprater van
apartheid nie. In sy optredes het hy deurentyd die historiese, kulturele en sosio-politieke
beweegredes vir apartheid, die beliggaming van die beleid en die blanke se aanspraak op
en rol in Suid-Afrika beklemtoon. Apartheid is voorgehou as 'n politieke model wat ten
doel het om deur middel van gelykwaardige, maar afsonderlike ontwikkeling die ruimte
te skep vir die vreedsame voortbestaan van 'n veelrassige gemeenskap. Geyer het groot erns daarvan gemaak om te beklemtoon dat die aanvaarding van die apartheidsbeleid en
die blanke se voortbestaan in Suid-Afrika nou verbind word aan die positiewe en sigbare
gevolge van die toepassing van apartheid. Geyer het dit dan ook nodig gevind om kritiek
uit te spreek oor die regering se klaarblyklike onvermoë om daadwerklike inhoud aan
positiewe apartheid te gee.
Die grootste persoonlike teleurstelling wat Geyer egter beleef het, was sy ontnugtering
dat sy mentor en vriend, dr. D.F. Malan, nie sy rol as partypolitikus kon ontgroei en
ontwikkel in 'n bekwame minister van Buitelandse Sake en 'n Eerste Minister wat 'n
staatsman van internasionale statuur is nie.
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