Thesis advisor: Cynthia L. Lyerly / This dissertation explores the ultraconservative Republican and moderate conservative Republican movements in Dallas, Texas between 1952 and 1964, an essential period in which the GOP abandoned its longstanding identification as the party of President Lincoln and Reconstruction and adopted the Southern Strategy. While the first generation of scholars of American conservatism recognized the influence of ultraconservatives who embraced conspiracy theory, absolutist thinking, and apocalyptic rhetoric, the most recent scholarship has tended to downplay the impact of this ultraconservative worldview and stress moderate conservatives' upward mobility and mainstream and modern values. Through the lens of the Republican Party in Dallas, Texas--an epicenter of American conservative Republicanism in the 1950s and 1960s--this dissertation argues that while moderate conservative Republicans were important, ultraconservatives Republicans were more essential to the conservative Republican ascendancy. The dissertation shows that ultraconservative Republicans standing on the "fringe" of mainstream conservatism served not only to push many Republicans to embrace right-wing ideas, but mainstreamed and legitimated the moderate conservative Republicans in the 1950s and 1960s. In showing that ultraconservatives mattered more than historians previously thought, the dissertation suggests that the most recent scholarship has overcompensated for the first generation of historians, who tended to pathologize the Right and dismiss its staying power. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

This thesis explores how the American right fought the culture wars of the 1980s in the context of the rights revolution and the regulatory state. It does so by examining divisions over anti-abortion measures in Congress, controversies surrounding allegations of discriminatory withholding of medical care from disabled newborns, debates over the extent to which Title IX and other federal anti-discrimination regulations bound Christian colleges that rejected direct federal funding, and the interplay between rights and education during the AIDS crisis. In doing so, it contributes to the still-growing historiography on both American conservatism and the culture wars. Firstly, it adds shades of nuance to the literature on the American right, which has, until recently, posited the election of Ronald Reagan as the beginning of an era of untrammelled conservative ascendancy. However, these case studies reveal that despite Reagan’s resounding electoral success and the refiguring of the Republican party along conservative lines, the 1980s right was forced to fight many of its battles on terrain that remained structured by the liberal legacy. This finding also contributes to recent trends in the historiography of the culture wars, which have added a great depth of historical understanding to America’s interminable conflicts over abortion, evolution, equal marriage and other social issues. By examining how the right conceived of and reacted to the enduring influence of the rights revolution and the regulatory state in the culture wars of the 1980s, the centrality of the right to privacy becomes clear. Acknowledging the importance of this right leads to the conclusion that the fundamental restructuring of relations between the federal government and the states that had taken place during the 1960s gave rise to the culture wars of the 1980s.

This dissertation studies historical and contemporary conservative rhetoric to argue that the political right's variant of American populism defines the rhetorical figure of "the people" as ontologically opposed to the state. This state-phobic rhetoric poses a threat to democratic deliberation, I argue, because it presumptively cancels the very appeals to shared space that tend to make democracy thrive. By turns examining the new right, the 2008 financial crisis, the 2008 presidential campaign, and the rise of the Tea Party, this dissertation suggests American democracy is trapped in a populist feedback loop that creates tragic modes of melancholic democratic politics. This democratic melancholia contributes directly to contemporary political trends of hyper-partisanship.

From the late 1970s through the early 1990s, a minority conservative faction took over the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC). This project seeks to answer the questions of how a fringe minority within the nation’s largest Protestant denomination could undertake such a feat and why they chose to do so. The framework through which this work analyzes these questions is one of competing worldviews that emerged within the SBC in response to decades of societal shifts and denominational transformations in the post-World War II era. To place the events of the Southern Baptist “crisis” within this framework, this study seeks to refute the prevailing notion put forth in earlier works that the takeover was an in-house event, driven purely by doctrinal disputes between conservative Southern Baptists and SBC leadership. Illustrating the differences between rhetoric and action on both sides of this intra-denominational conflict, this work seeks to provide perspective to the narrative of the Southern Baptist “crisis” by asserting that the worldviews guiding the opposing factions diverged not only on doctrine, but culture and politics as well. Placing the events of the “crisis” within the context of broader worldviews, this project highlights and examines the intertwined nature of religion, culture, and politics in modern American society.

In the fall of 1921 oil workers of the San Joaquin Valley faced a post-war economic slump, wage cuts across the board and an increasingly hostile attitude of oil operators towards consultation with the federal government on labor relations. They voted to strike, and the next day eight thousand workers walked off the fields. Strikers crafted an image of “patriotic unionism,” underpinned by a faith in the federal government and the ideology of the American Legion. The strike did not end in gruesome class warfare like had been seen months earlier in the coal mines of West Virginia, but rather in ideological confusion and despair. The oil workers movement never fully embraced a class identity; instead it embraced the burgeoning conservative identity of Americanism. This effectively hobbled the growth of the movement. Upon the strike’s conclusion there was no mass pull to the left on the part of oil workers in the San Joaquin Valley, despite the fact that their movement’s design and identity had gotten them nowhere. On the contrary a portion of workers and supporters of the strike turned to the nativism of the Klan. Overall this project looks to complicate the narrative of “us vs. them” in labor history by analyzing workers’ identities, and also looks to contribute to the ever-evolving discourse on how historians should track American conservatism as a social force.

Após a primeira metade do séc. XX, tem ocorrido uma revolução na Filosofia Política, Jurídica e Moral. A partir da rejeição do projeto racionalista da modernidade, Filósofos pós Segunda Guerra tentam recuperar o que se havia perdido na modernidade, que são os preceitos da Filosofia Política clássica, da tradição Ocidental, da transcendência judaicocristã. Destacamos Gerhart Niemeyer para a compreensão do papel do conservadorismo nesse debate. Consideramos que sua Filosofia amadurece até um conservadorismo moderado em três fases: funcionalismo imanentista e crítica à modernidade, anticomunismo e, então, a definição de Filosofia Política conservadora. Sua crítica se desenvolve identificando a raiz moderna das ideologias do séc. XX: na rejeição do divino e da ordem existente, materialismo, a ideia (dialética) de luta de classes, positivismo e jus naturalismo moderno, ativismo revolucionário daí resultante, bem como no historicismo moderno. Seu principal conceito, “total critique”, denuncia que as ideologias modernas possuem caráter político apenas destrutivo, pois requer a destruição do mundo existente (construído na realidade da experiência humana e baseado no Direito Natural transcendente) para a realização de uma natureza humana idealizada e utópica, ou seja, irrealizável. Assim, após a fragmentação da Tradição Ocidental, para reconstruir uma ordem legítima e fundamentada é necessário atentar para ideias como: a tradição Ocidental e o Direito Natural, a identidade e passado público, mito fundador, “realm” como unidade política, moral e limites em função do mito, virtudes existenciais da comunidade, consenso de valores (homonoia), bem como a capacidade crítica necessária para manter a continuidade da unidade cultural em uma democracia. Então, destacamos a importância do conservadorismo americano nesse movimento. Observamos que sua experiência acadêmica e política, ao longo da Guerra Fria, estão no contexto do conservadorismo norte-americano. Contudo, seu conservadorismo é diferente, devido a sua crítica ao liberalismo e a Direita, delineando um conservadorismo moderado. / After the first half of the 20th century there is a revolution in Political, Legal and Moral Philosophy. From the rejection of the rationalist project of modernity, post Second War philosophers try to recover what was lost in modernity, which are the precepts of classical Political Philosophy, on Western tradition, on the Judeo-Christian transcendence. Featuring Gerhart Niemeyer on the understanding the role of conservatism on this debate. We consider that his philosophy matures to a moderate conservatism in three phases: immanentist functionalism and critique of modernity, anticommunism, and then the definition of conservative political philosophy. His critique analysis is developed on identifying the modern root of 20th century ideologies: the rejection of the divine and the existing order, the materialism, the (dialectic) idea of class struggle, positivism and modern jusnaturalism, the resulting revolutionary activism, as well as the modern historicism. Its main concept, "total critique" shows off that modern ideologies have only destructive political character, because it requires the destruction of the existing world (founded in the reality of human experience and based on the sound transcendent Natural Law) to conduct an idealized and utopian human nature, which is unrealizable. So, after the fragmentation of Western Tradition, to rebuild a lawful and reasoned order it is necessary to look after ideas such: the public identity and public past, the founding myth, "realm" as political unit, moral and limits concerning the myth, existential virtues of community, common sense values (homonoia), as well as the necessary critic skill to keep the abidance of the cultural unity in a democracy. Then, we point the importance of American conservatism over this postmodern movement. We found that his academic and politics experience, throughout the Cold War, are within the context of American conservatism. However, his conservatism is different for his critique of liberalism, which means a moderate conservativism.

Após a primeira metade do séc. XX, tem ocorrido uma revolução na Filosofia Política, Jurídica e Moral. A partir da rejeição do projeto racionalista da modernidade, Filósofos pós Segunda Guerra tentam recuperar o que se havia perdido na modernidade, que são os preceitos da Filosofia Política clássica, da tradição Ocidental, da transcendência judaicocristã. Destacamos Gerhart Niemeyer para a compreensão do papel do conservadorismo nesse debate. Consideramos que sua Filosofia amadurece até um conservadorismo moderado em três fases: funcionalismo imanentista e crítica à modernidade, anticomunismo e, então, a definição de Filosofia Política conservadora. Sua crítica se desenvolve identificando a raiz moderna das ideologias do séc. XX: na rejeição do divino e da ordem existente, materialismo, a ideia (dialética) de luta de classes, positivismo e jus naturalismo moderno, ativismo revolucionário daí resultante, bem como no historicismo moderno. Seu principal conceito, “total critique”, denuncia que as ideologias modernas possuem caráter político apenas destrutivo, pois requer a destruição do mundo existente (construído na realidade da experiência humana e baseado no Direito Natural transcendente) para a realização de uma natureza humana idealizada e utópica, ou seja, irrealizável. Assim, após a fragmentação da Tradição Ocidental, para reconstruir uma ordem legítima e fundamentada é necessário atentar para ideias como: a tradição Ocidental e o Direito Natural, a identidade e passado público, mito fundador, “realm” como unidade política, moral e limites em função do mito, virtudes existenciais da comunidade, consenso de valores (homonoia), bem como a capacidade crítica necessária para manter a continuidade da unidade cultural em uma democracia. Então, destacamos a importância do conservadorismo americano nesse movimento. Observamos que sua experiência acadêmica e política, ao longo da Guerra Fria, estão no contexto do conservadorismo norte-americano. Contudo, seu conservadorismo é diferente, devido a sua crítica ao liberalismo e a Direita, delineando um conservadorismo moderado. / After the first half of the 20th century there is a revolution in Political, Legal and Moral Philosophy. From the rejection of the rationalist project of modernity, post Second War philosophers try to recover what was lost in modernity, which are the precepts of classical Political Philosophy, on Western tradition, on the Judeo-Christian transcendence. Featuring Gerhart Niemeyer on the understanding the role of conservatism on this debate. We consider that his philosophy matures to a moderate conservatism in three phases: immanentist functionalism and critique of modernity, anticommunism, and then the definition of conservative political philosophy. His critique analysis is developed on identifying the modern root of 20th century ideologies: the rejection of the divine and the existing order, the materialism, the (dialectic) idea of class struggle, positivism and modern jusnaturalism, the resulting revolutionary activism, as well as the modern historicism. Its main concept, "total critique" shows off that modern ideologies have only destructive political character, because it requires the destruction of the existing world (founded in the reality of human experience and based on the sound transcendent Natural Law) to conduct an idealized and utopian human nature, which is unrealizable. So, after the fragmentation of Western Tradition, to rebuild a lawful and reasoned order it is necessary to look after ideas such: the public identity and public past, the founding myth, "realm" as political unit, moral and limits concerning the myth, existential virtues of community, common sense values (homonoia), as well as the necessary critic skill to keep the abidance of the cultural unity in a democracy. Then, we point the importance of American conservatism over this postmodern movement. We found that his academic and politics experience, throughout the Cold War, are within the context of American conservatism. However, his conservatism is different for his critique of liberalism, which means a moderate conservativism.

Após a primeira metade do séc. XX, tem ocorrido uma revolução na Filosofia Política, Jurídica e Moral. A partir da rejeição do projeto racionalista da modernidade, Filósofos pós Segunda Guerra tentam recuperar o que se havia perdido na modernidade, que são os preceitos da Filosofia Política clássica, da tradição Ocidental, da transcendência judaicocristã. Destacamos Gerhart Niemeyer para a compreensão do papel do conservadorismo nesse debate. Consideramos que sua Filosofia amadurece até um conservadorismo moderado em três fases: funcionalismo imanentista e crítica à modernidade, anticomunismo e, então, a definição de Filosofia Política conservadora. Sua crítica se desenvolve identificando a raiz moderna das ideologias do séc. XX: na rejeição do divino e da ordem existente, materialismo, a ideia (dialética) de luta de classes, positivismo e jus naturalismo moderno, ativismo revolucionário daí resultante, bem como no historicismo moderno. Seu principal conceito, “total critique”, denuncia que as ideologias modernas possuem caráter político apenas destrutivo, pois requer a destruição do mundo existente (construído na realidade da experiência humana e baseado no Direito Natural transcendente) para a realização de uma natureza humana idealizada e utópica, ou seja, irrealizável. Assim, após a fragmentação da Tradição Ocidental, para reconstruir uma ordem legítima e fundamentada é necessário atentar para ideias como: a tradição Ocidental e o Direito Natural, a identidade e passado público, mito fundador, “realm” como unidade política, moral e limites em função do mito, virtudes existenciais da comunidade, consenso de valores (homonoia), bem como a capacidade crítica necessária para manter a continuidade da unidade cultural em uma democracia. Então, destacamos a importância do conservadorismo americano nesse movimento. Observamos que sua experiência acadêmica e política, ao longo da Guerra Fria, estão no contexto do conservadorismo norte-americano. Contudo, seu conservadorismo é diferente, devido a sua crítica ao liberalismo e a Direita, delineando um conservadorismo moderado. / After the first half of the 20th century there is a revolution in Political, Legal and Moral Philosophy. From the rejection of the rationalist project of modernity, post Second War philosophers try to recover what was lost in modernity, which are the precepts of classical Political Philosophy, on Western tradition, on the Judeo-Christian transcendence. Featuring Gerhart Niemeyer on the understanding the role of conservatism on this debate. We consider that his philosophy matures to a moderate conservatism in three phases: immanentist functionalism and critique of modernity, anticommunism, and then the definition of conservative political philosophy. His critique analysis is developed on identifying the modern root of 20th century ideologies: the rejection of the divine and the existing order, the materialism, the (dialectic) idea of class struggle, positivism and modern jusnaturalism, the resulting revolutionary activism, as well as the modern historicism. Its main concept, "total critique" shows off that modern ideologies have only destructive political character, because it requires the destruction of the existing world (founded in the reality of human experience and based on the sound transcendent Natural Law) to conduct an idealized and utopian human nature, which is unrealizable. So, after the fragmentation of Western Tradition, to rebuild a lawful and reasoned order it is necessary to look after ideas such: the public identity and public past, the founding myth, "realm" as political unit, moral and limits concerning the myth, existential virtues of community, common sense values (homonoia), as well as the necessary critic skill to keep the abidance of the cultural unity in a democracy. Then, we point the importance of American conservatism over this postmodern movement. We found that his academic and politics experience, throughout the Cold War, are within the context of American conservatism. However, his conservatism is different for his critique of liberalism, which means a moderate conservativism.

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