This thesis aims to provide a historical study of colonialism and coloniality in the period 1900-2003 through a comparison of the British invasion of Iraq at the start of the 1900s and the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 in order to identify continuities as well as changes. The study employs a comparative research method in order to demonstrate that there were significant similarities between the two invasions. However, comparing two colonial invasions in the same country in different time periods also has the potential to reveal significant changes over time in colonial strategies. The thesis compares the two invasions in terms of Quijano’s four spheres of the colonial matrix of power, namely the struggle for control of authority, the struggle for economic control, the struggle for hegemony of information and the transformation of gender relations. The thesis will demonstrate that the colonial strategies adopted by both imperial powers were strikingly similar. Moreover, the thesis will argue that these similarities were part of a continuation of a colonial system since many of the structures that were established by the British, such as tribalisation within an imposed nation-state, have remained in place and were reinforced by the U.S. Additionally, the same ways of seeing and representing colonised peoples that were present during the British invasion, were used to justify the American invasion. Every sphere of both invasions was thoroughly gendered. Not only did colonial invasions effect gender relations in Iraq considerably, but the ideologies used to justify the invasions were also based on gendered assumptions. Finally, in accordance with decolonial theory, the thesis calls for “a declaration of war against naturalised war." / Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Historical and Heritage Studies / MSocSci / Unrestricted

Considerando as exposições universais como espetáculos produtores de vitrines da geopolítica do capitalismo, elaboradas com o intuito de comparar os centros e as periferias do mercado mundial, a presente investigação compõe uma análise sobre as informações gratuitas oferecidas pelo Brasil no contexto da aproximação geopolítica com os Estados Unidos na transição do século XIX para o século XX. Organizamos nossa pesquisa a partir de fontes documentais que se referem a produção de livros, de catálogos e de relatórios escritos, bem como, das amostras dos produtos da natureza e da agricultura que foram selecionadas, inventariadas e dispostas para serem juntamente apresentadas na exposição universal de Chicago. Os textos e amostras sobre o território do Brasil ocultavam um encontro de processos históricos entre centro e periferia: por um lado, os Estados Unidos buscavam operacionalizar o pan-americanismo da Doutrina Monroe, definindo a América Latina como sua área de influência, seu espaço novo no presente e para o futuro de seus domínios, naquela era de neocolonialismo das grandes potências; por outro lado, as frações de classes dominantes e os representantes de oligarquias no Brasil no início da República emitiam, por meio de textos e propagandas em tom científico, as seguranças para a reprodução do capitalismo no Brasil, a partir da demonstração de que se tinha o controle da propriedade, os extensos espaços virgens ainda existentes para serem explorados, produtos primários para exportação e capacidade para importar os excedentes de capital e de trabalho. Além do mais, esses documentos permitiam que partes do território do Brasil pudessem ser estudadas e arquivadas por aqueles que tivessem acesso a essa produção intelectual, documentos que demarcavam com precisão as riquezas naturais e as potências da exploração da natureza para mineração, monocultura ou mesmo para investimentos no desenvolvimento de infraestrutura de transporte, como as ferrovias. Afinal, mesmo que a apresentação de qualquer Estado moderno na exposição universal de Chicago não permitisse ser reduzida a intenções bilaterais, o escoamento de grande parte da produção do café e do açúcar para os Estados Unidos, a criação de uma Constituição brasileira com aportes políticos e jurídicos americanos, a disposição e intervenção dos Estados Unidos na Revolta da Armada e um início de acordo comercial travado entre os dois Estados, salvando a balança comercial brasileira no início da década de 1890, permitem que entendamos o envio da elaboração intelectual sobre os produtos primários como parcela dos estoques de ideias e de fontes atrativas que ocultavam prenúncios da subordinação do território do Brasil aos possuidores de capital e aos representantes políticos do imperialismo americano. / Considering Universal Fairs as geopolitical showcase spectacles of capitalism, created in the aim to compare the centers and periphery of global market, the present investigation dispose an analysis over the Brazilian territory in the transition from XIXth to XXth century, right after the abolition of slavery and the beginning of the First Republic. It was discussed the free information which was offered do the American imperialism, in one hand, shaped by an array of intellectual products about the Brazilian territory, produced by State representatives, from fractions of dominant class or their intellectual partners, such as books, catalogues and reports, and, in another hand, by the reports of combined samples of manufactures from foreign and internal markets, both elected to be exposed in the Brazils exposition in the Universal Fair of Chicago, in 1893. Despite the intense subordination to the free-commerce imperialism of Great Britain and other European centers, the transition from eighteenth to nineteenth century presented a major part of fractions from the dominant classes and the Brazilians State deputies, seeking for closeness to the capital holders and political chiefs from the United States of America, relations that became reciprocal by supporting the very military coup in the foundations of the Brazilians first Republic, in 1889, recognized by the United States. In this way, the United States of America managed to proceed with their pan-americanism by the Monroes Doctrine, which was already prepared. On the other side, Brazilian oligarchies emitted texts and propaganda in scientific language over the reproduction of capitalism in Brazil, the control of property, the extensive virgin spaces that already existed to be explored. Adding to this, these documents allowed that parts of the Brazilian territory could be studied and archived by those who had access to this intellectual products, documents which stated with precision the natural richness and the potentialities of the exploration of nature to mining, monoculture, or even to investments for developing transportation infrastructure, such as railways. After all, the trade of great part of the coffee to the United States of America, the creation of a Brazilian constitution with political and juridical affairs to Americans, the United States interventions in Revolta da Armada, and the beginning of a trade agreement signed by both States, saving the Brazilian trade balance in the beginning of the 1890 decade, enable us to understand how sending the intellectual production over its natural resources and their products to all who demonstrate interest hide, especially, part of the stock of ideas and attractive sources that accumulated as part of the subordination of the Brazilian territory to the capital holders and political representatives of the American imperialism.

The history of the United States’ occupation in the Philippines requires an alternative archive that includes family stories, museums sites, and other memories to articulate the nearly inexplicable legacy of imperial trauma. My project foregrounds the intangible effects of American imperialism, traced in generational memories of Filipinos and Filipino Americans and their descendants. Addressing three key moments defining the Filipino and Filipino American experience: the Philippine-American War, World War II, and 21st century global capitalism, I look at how the under-the-surface, banal nature of imperial trauma’s legacy marks Filipino identity and creates blind spots in the Filipino imaginary. My dissertation examines sexual atrocities committed by American soldiers during the 1898-1902 Philippine-American War, revisits memories of World War II and the Japanese Occupation as represented in military museums in Fredericksburg, Texas and on Corregidor Island, Philippines, and concludes with the importance of the babaylan figure, from an ancient priestess tradition in the Philippines, for diasporic Filipinas to negotiate the contemporary challenges of everyday living. My dissertation examines the use of strategic storytelling to recover lost histories, heal from the past, and re-create the present. / text

Considerando as exposições universais como espetáculos produtores de vitrines da geopolítica do capitalismo, elaboradas com o intuito de comparar os centros e as periferias do mercado mundial, a presente investigação compõe uma análise sobre as informações gratuitas oferecidas pelo Brasil no contexto da aproximação geopolítica com os Estados Unidos na transição do século XIX para o século XX. Organizamos nossa pesquisa a partir de fontes documentais que se referem a produção de livros, de catálogos e de relatórios escritos, bem como, das amostras dos produtos da natureza e da agricultura que foram selecionadas, inventariadas e dispostas para serem juntamente apresentadas na exposição universal de Chicago. Os textos e amostras sobre o território do Brasil ocultavam um encontro de processos históricos entre centro e periferia: por um lado, os Estados Unidos buscavam operacionalizar o pan-americanismo da Doutrina Monroe, definindo a América Latina como sua área de influência, seu espaço novo no presente e para o futuro de seus domínios, naquela era de neocolonialismo das grandes potências; por outro lado, as frações de classes dominantes e os representantes de oligarquias no Brasil no início da República emitiam, por meio de textos e propagandas em tom científico, as seguranças para a reprodução do capitalismo no Brasil, a partir da demonstração de que se tinha o controle da propriedade, os extensos espaços virgens ainda existentes para serem explorados, produtos primários para exportação e capacidade para importar os excedentes de capital e de trabalho. Além do mais, esses documentos permitiam que partes do território do Brasil pudessem ser estudadas e arquivadas por aqueles que tivessem acesso a essa produção intelectual, documentos que demarcavam com precisão as riquezas naturais e as potências da exploração da natureza para mineração, monocultura ou mesmo para investimentos no desenvolvimento de infraestrutura de transporte, como as ferrovias. Afinal, mesmo que a apresentação de qualquer Estado moderno na exposição universal de Chicago não permitisse ser reduzida a intenções bilaterais, o escoamento de grande parte da produção do café e do açúcar para os Estados Unidos, a criação de uma Constituição brasileira com aportes políticos e jurídicos americanos, a disposição e intervenção dos Estados Unidos na Revolta da Armada e um início de acordo comercial travado entre os dois Estados, salvando a balança comercial brasileira no início da década de 1890, permitem que entendamos o envio da elaboração intelectual sobre os produtos primários como parcela dos estoques de ideias e de fontes atrativas que ocultavam prenúncios da subordinação do território do Brasil aos possuidores de capital e aos representantes políticos do imperialismo americano. / Considering Universal Fairs as geopolitical showcase spectacles of capitalism, created in the aim to compare the centers and periphery of global market, the present investigation dispose an analysis over the Brazilian territory in the transition from XIXth to XXth century, right after the abolition of slavery and the beginning of the First Republic. It was discussed the free information which was offered do the American imperialism, in one hand, shaped by an array of intellectual products about the Brazilian territory, produced by State representatives, from fractions of dominant class or their intellectual partners, such as books, catalogues and reports, and, in another hand, by the reports of combined samples of manufactures from foreign and internal markets, both elected to be exposed in the Brazils exposition in the Universal Fair of Chicago, in 1893. Despite the intense subordination to the free-commerce imperialism of Great Britain and other European centers, the transition from eighteenth to nineteenth century presented a major part of fractions from the dominant classes and the Brazilians State deputies, seeking for closeness to the capital holders and political chiefs from the United States of America, relations that became reciprocal by supporting the very military coup in the foundations of the Brazilians first Republic, in 1889, recognized by the United States. In this way, the United States of America managed to proceed with their pan-americanism by the Monroes Doctrine, which was already prepared. On the other side, Brazilian oligarchies emitted texts and propaganda in scientific language over the reproduction of capitalism in Brazil, the control of property, the extensive virgin spaces that already existed to be explored. Adding to this, these documents allowed that parts of the Brazilian territory could be studied and archived by those who had access to this intellectual products, documents which stated with precision the natural richness and the potentialities of the exploration of nature to mining, monoculture, or even to investments for developing transportation infrastructure, such as railways. After all, the trade of great part of the coffee to the United States of America, the creation of a Brazilian constitution with political and juridical affairs to Americans, the United States interventions in Revolta da Armada, and the beginning of a trade agreement signed by both States, saving the Brazilian trade balance in the beginning of the 1890 decade, enable us to understand how sending the intellectual production over its natural resources and their products to all who demonstrate interest hide, especially, part of the stock of ideas and attractive sources that accumulated as part of the subordination of the Brazilian territory to the capital holders and political representatives of the American imperialism.

This thesis asks two central questions: (1.) Is there a link between atrocities committed during American counterinsurgency campaigns and race? (2.) Is there continuity between the counterinsurgency techniques deployed in the Philippines and in Iraq in this respect? In an effort to answer these questions I propose to briefly outline the chapters which are to follow. In Chapter 1 I propose to tackle the question of race using the following questions as broad guides to my investigation: what is it? how do we understand it? how will it be operationalized? In other words, this first chapter serves both as a literature review and an outline of the theoretical framework to be adopted in the later sections of this thesis. It outlines the current state of the concept ‘race’ in the literature of various fields of politics with an eye to finding space for a critical approach. In the end, I settle on the elegant framework set forth by Roxanne Lynn Doty. In Chapter 2, carrying forward Doty’s operationalized concept of race, I undertake an analysis of the discourse and practice surrounding American Counterinsurgency Policy during the invasion of the Philippines from 1899-1903. First; I investigate the role that racialized discourse played in the domestic and international contexts surrounding the invasion of the Philippines. Second; I delve into the empirical historical record to attempt to sketch out how racism was deployed on the ground in the counterinsurgency in the Philippines and what relationship the acts of atrocity committed there had with racial discourse. Following the findings of Chapter 2 I attempt to investigate the extent to which these mechanisms existed in the counterinsurgency in Iraq in Chapter 3. The investigation of Iraq is structured similarly to that of the Philippines but, due to the absolute abundance of information on Iraq, it is broken into three sections. The first section examines the role of race in the 2 domestic politics of the United States before, during, and after September 11, 2001. The second section sketches out an emerging international logic concerning military intervention and development. The final section sketches out the empirical reality of how race was used in atrocity in Iraq.

As a popular historic work with constant and worldwide performances, the sexist and racist narratives disseminated by Giacomo Puccini's opera Madama Butterfly causes harmful social and political ramifications. Many scholars point to this opera specifically when discussing the fetishization of Asian females, and mention the title character as the quintessential example of damaging stereotypes. Thus, I conduct a postcolonial and feminist reading of Madama Butterfly, through analysis of the opera's libretto, the libretto sources, and the opera's score. I unravel the Orientalist assumptions that make up the foundation of the Butterfly narrative, and trace them as they make their way into Puccini's opera. I re-read Madama Butterfly as a metaphor for imperialism, and its effects on the colonized psyche. I examine Lieutenant Pinkerton and Butterfly's characters with specific attention to the power dynamics of their relationship in the context of colonization. I emphasize gender, race, and class tensions evident within the white male and white female gazes on the bodies of third world women of color. I present Puccini's musical choices in the operatic score as supplementary to my postcolonial-feminist reading. Puccini's use of pentatonic scales to evoke "Oriental" sounds, as well as his appropriation of Japanese folk tunes and "The Star Spangled Banner" into the score serve to supplement my basic contentions that Madama Butterfly is a product of Oriental discourse and a metaphor for imperialism and its effect on the colonized psyche.