This study explores the role of NGOs in Angola's post-conflict reconstruction and development process. The study was motivated by a perception obtained from a preliminary literature acquaintance and events that pointed to the developing of a centralised, state-led model. As a result, NGOs were facing funding crises and political pressure which were obstructing their participation in the process. Thus, the study sought to investigate the substance of these trends and how NGOs were responding to them. The study finds that the current policy dynamics underlying the process supports the perception that a centralised, state-led model is developing. At the same time, NGOs are shifting their engagement from emergency work to a development paradigm; they are focusing their activities on rural development and civic awareness; and they are lobbying for the opening of the public space. NGOs believe that they can contribute a unique socib-economic and political capital to the process which neither the public sector nor the private sector can. For this, they argue that the process should be participatory to enable openness and accommodate the contributions of all social actors. However, they believe that the government should playa leading role because of the need to create the infrastructural basis the country lacks to rebuild and develop. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

This study investigated the survival strategies adopted by the San in Cunene Province in Southern Angola. The study intended first to gain understanding of the economic activities that the San in Cuanhama municipality districts of Kafima Centre and Etale La Mulovi employ to sustain their livelihoods. Secondly, the study explored how accessible the basic social services of education and health were to the San in these communities. Utilising qualitative research methods, face-to-face interviews and focus group research were conducted. From the data collected on education the study findings show that none of the children from both communities were enrolled at any school. To this end, at Kafima Centre the main hindering factors that contributed inter alia included hunger at school, stigmatization by the neighbouring community and poverty among San communities. At Etale La Mulavi San community there was lack of educational facilities near the San habitations, constituting a key hindering factor to accessing education. On health, the closer the public health centre was to the San community the more the San utilised the health services for treatment and management of common diseases like Malaria and cough as well as other diseases. On survival strategies both San communities “okunhanga” ‘go.. and look for..’ (fending for food) was the primary survival strategy the San were involved in for the sustenance of their livelihoods. The findings informed the recommendations in chapter five of this study.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Free trade is said to maximize welfare in a world organized by nation-states. To participate in the global economy more effectively most nation-states have implemented economic policies with the objective of freeing international trade. This movement has been facilitated by the process of globalization which has had unparalleled effects on the economic policies of countries worldwide. However, countries-have found it increasingly difficult to manage their economies at the multilateral level since the benefits of global free trade are not equally shared. This has led to an increase in Regional Integration Agreements (RIAs), which are seen as a tool for strategic growth and development while promoting free trade on a more restricted basis. In the last decades of the 20th century, the world has seen an increase in the number of RIAs particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, However, empirical evidence has shown, contrary to what happened in Europe, that in Africa most attempts at economic integration have failed to promote meaningful economic growth and development. Notwithstanding that, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has embraced economic integration as a strategy for growth in the region. Focusing on SADC and the Angolan economy as the main units of analysis, this study looks at the theory of economic integration to evaluate its validity for the African context and to find out how useful integration is in promoting economic growth and development in less developed countries. The study concludes that economic integration theory, which was developed within the context of European economies, is not relevant for African economies, which are different in character. Evidence indicates for instance, that in Africa the most important gains from economic integration are dynamic and not static, as the theory seems to suggest. Additionally, contrary to what happened in former attempts at forming RlAs in Africa, SADC has implemented a development integration approach aiming at industrialization. This is important, because according to the "Krugman-Venables model of regional relocation" the least developed countries can benefit from trade and investment from the most developed ones. The SADe Free Trade Protocol may be harmful for the Angolan economy in the short to medium term because of structural problems. However, it was found that if properly implemented it could playa major role in promoting growth and development in the longer term. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vrye handel, so word beweer, vermeerder welvaart in 'n wêreld wat deur nasie-state georganiseer word. Die ekonomiese beleid van nasie-state is daarop gemik om internasionale handel te dereguleer, ten einde hulle in staat te stelom meer effektief binne die globale ekonomie deel te neem. Hierdie proses is gefasiliteer deur die verskynsel van globalisering wat ongeëwenaarde gevolge vir alle state in die wêreld meegebring het. Nietemin, vind state dit in toenemende mate moeilik om hierdie proses op multilaterale vlak te bestuur, aangesien die voordele van internasionale handel nie in gelyke mate gedeel word nie. Dit het gely tot 'n toename in Streeksintegrasie-Ooreenkornste (SIO's ). Hierdie ooreenkomste word beskou as 'n ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling-strategie, terwyl internasionale handelop 'n meer beperkte grondslag bevorder word. Tydens die laatse dekades van die twintigste eeu, het die aantal SIO's (veral in Sub-Sahara Afrika) toegeneem. In teenstelling met die ervaring van die Europese Unie, dui die feite aan dat pogings tot ekonomiese integrasie in Afrika nie daarin geslaag het om betekenisvolle ontwikkeling en ekonomiese groei te bevorder nie. Nietemin, het die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) handels-integrasie aanvaar as 'n strategie vir ekonomiese groei in die streek (met as instrument die SAOG Vryehandel-protokol). Met fokus op die SAOG en Angola as eenhede van analise, evalueer die studie die liberale teorie van ekonomiese integrasie, ten einde uitspraak te lewer oor die geldigheid daarvan binne die konteks van Afrika, Tweedens, word daar ook aandag geskenk aan die vraag of ekonomiese integrasie 'n optimale strategie is vir die bevordering van ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling in minder-ontwikkelde lande. Die gevolgtrekking wat gemaak word is dat ekonomiese integrasie (soos ontwikkel binne die Wes-Europese konteks) nie relevant is vir die eiesoortige omstandighede van Afrikastate nie. Daar is, onder andere, bevind dat die belangrikste voordele van integrasie in Afrika dinamies is, en nie staties nie (soos die teorie van ekonomiese integrasie dit in die vooruitsig stel). Daarby, en teenstrydig met vorige pogings tot die vorming van SIO's in Afrika, het die SAOG 'n ontwikkelings integrasie benadering aanvaar. Hierdie benadering is gemik op eweredige industrialisering in die streek. Dit is 'n belangrike punt, want volgens die "Krugman-Venables model van streekshervestiging" kan die minder ontwikkelde state voordeel trek van handel met, en beleggings uit die meer ontwikkelde state in die streek. Laatstens, is daar bevind dat die SAOG Vryehandel-protokol in die kort tot medium termyn nadelige gevolge vir Angola sal meebring. Dit is as gevolg van strukturele probleme in die Angolese ekonomie. Nietemin, indien behoorlik geïmplementeer, kan dit 'n betekenisvolle rol speel in die bevordering van ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling oor die lang termyn.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.

A tese do Prof. Solival Menezes ocupa-se de analisar alguns aspectos da economia e da sociedade de Angola que, sob uma perspectiva lógica e histórica, permitem compreender a dinâmica que caracterizou a trajetória recente desse novo Estado nacional desde que, tornando-se liberto do colonialismo tardio português (em 1975), transformou-se em uma economia centralmente planejada até ser conduzido, posteriormente (pelos motivos examinados na tese), ao reencontro da economia de mercado e da democracia (em 1992). São examinadas algumas especificidades do longo colonialismo praticado em seu território visando a compreender de que modo a condição de economia dependente da metrópole se transferiu como legado ao novo país, condicionando os anos iniciais de sua fase soberana. / This thesis analyzes some aspects of the economy and society of Angola that, from a logical and historic perspective, can help understand the dynamics that characterized the recent trajectory of this new state, since, becoming free of the \"late Portuguese colonialism\" (in 1975), became a \"centrally planned economy\" until to be conducted later (for the reasons discussed in the thesis) to a market economy with democracy (in 1992). There are examined some characteristics of the Portuguese colonialism practiced throughout Angolas history in order to understand how the condition of the metropolis dependent economy was transferred as a legacy to the new country, thereby affecting the early years of its sovereign stage.

A tese do Prof. Solival Menezes ocupa-se de analisar alguns aspectos da economia e da sociedade de Angola que, sob uma perspectiva lógica e histórica, permitem compreender a dinâmica que caracterizou a trajetória recente desse novo Estado nacional desde que, tornando-se liberto do colonialismo tardio português (em 1975), transformou-se em uma economia centralmente planejada até ser conduzido, posteriormente (pelos motivos examinados na tese), ao reencontro da economia de mercado e da democracia (em 1992). São examinadas algumas especificidades do longo colonialismo praticado em seu território visando a compreender de que modo a condição de economia dependente da metrópole se transferiu como legado ao novo país, condicionando os anos iniciais de sua fase soberana. / This thesis analyzes some aspects of the economy and society of Angola that, from a logical and historic perspective, can help understand the dynamics that characterized the recent trajectory of this new state, since, becoming free of the \"late Portuguese colonialism\" (in 1975), became a \"centrally planned economy\" until to be conducted later (for the reasons discussed in the thesis) to a market economy with democracy (in 1992). There are examined some characteristics of the Portuguese colonialism practiced throughout Angolas history in order to understand how the condition of the metropolis dependent economy was transferred as a legacy to the new country, thereby affecting the early years of its sovereign stage.

This study set out to find a concept ual fr amework through which the church can respond to the democratisation process that I Angola has been undergoing since the y ear 2002 . In this regard , the study firstly posi ted that the democratisation process the countr y is undergoing presents an opportunit ~ that Angolans can seize to exorcise the past of war and embark on the d efinition of a new nation al future . Secondly , it posited that the church does possess potential to contribut ~ to the success of the democratisation process and positively influence the shaping of I new Angola . To achieve this aim , the study wa divided in three major parts . The first part surveys Angola's socio-political and econo ic past from the beginning of the civil war in 1975 to its end in the early 2002. This su ey is followed by an analytical discussion which attempts to ascertain the major chal ~enges the past poses to the future. The second part of the study discusses the relationship between democratisation and reconstruction. This discussion revolves around the mea ning and the relevance of democratisation for Angola , involves an evaluation of the fram ework th at is guiding the democratisation process, a I diagnosis of the current prospects of the democratisation process , and an evaluation of the I church's respon se to the process. he last p art of the study outlines the Theology of R e construction as it has been posited in Afric a. It discusses its paradigmatic v alue as well as its relevance to th e current soc io-political context in Angola. The study culminates with reflections on how a Theolo g y of Reconstruction can inform th e r esponse of the church to the democratisation process in Angola and thereby to its reconstruction . I The study found that the pursuit o ~ monopoly b y the incumbent ruling party in Angola and the former armed opposition p o v ement , with the complicity of foreign powers' interference in national affairs, is r he major factor that has fuelled Angola's politico- military conflict in the past. This conflict has brought about destruction and hindered national development. The study al to found that while the democratisation process is on course, there have nevertheless c bntinued to be socio-political chall enges from the country's past. Lastly , the study fo ilind that th e church's response to the democratisation process has been anachronistic . Wh ile it had contextual cohesion in th e era that preceded democratisation , it however proves to be r edundant in the current democratisation and reconstruction challenge that the countr y is faced with. By way of conclusion , th e study su ~gests that the democratisation process that A ngola is currently undergoing is the necess ary stepping-stone for the country to move from the destructi ve past into a process I of national reconstruction. It argues that the democratisation proc ess a vails space for th e creation of legitimate and accountable I political institutions and structures that can det er the absolutist and totalitarian politics of the past. In turn , the stud y suggests ~ prim arily proactive , yet also resistant reconstruction theological framework for a church l response to the democratisation process that Angola is undergoing. This framework is posited in v iew of the current socio-political state of affairs in the country and with a vi I w to a decisive ecclesial influence in the making of a new Angola / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.