A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2015. / The word apartheid refers to the racist belief that certain people are less human than others. In South Africa, the system technically began with the 1913 Land Act which set aside eighty-seven per cent (87%) of the most fertile land for white South Africans, leaving behind only thirteen per cent (13%) to be shared by the majority black Africans. This unequivocally generated a socio-political crisis in the country. Despite a plethora of literature on apartheid as such, there seems to have been some paucity of empirical studies on apartheid’s compulsion, its demise and the rise of a new political era during the period from 1948 to 1994. Puzzlement and curiosity within the public mind in South Africa and the world, about the gross violation of civil liberties perpetrated by the apartheid regime, prompted a scientific study of this nature. This study does not argue that the year 1948 marked the beginning of compulsive policies in South Africa On the contrary; there were various forms of compulsions that existed in South Africa prior to the period in question. The year 1948, however, serves as the point of departure for the study. The year 1948 ushered in the adoption and implementation of apartheid’s -social engineering by the ruling National Party- as an official State ideology. Between 1948 and 1988, a series of compulsive racial laws, which violated fundamental civil liberties, were passed by the South African parliament. Compulsive structures and strategies were devised and refined by the apartheid regime on the assumption of power in 1948 to safeguard and perpetuate the power in the face of a hostile and non-compliant majority. This led to a gradual, peaceful protest which later metamorphosed into various forms of political struggle. It was these forms of struggle that ensured the demise of apartheid and witnessed the advent of a new political dispensation in South Africa. From 1988 various political prisoners embarked on a hunger strike as a form of resistance to demonstrate their anger and rejection of apartheid compulsion. The hunger strike attracted the attention of the international community. This eventually led to more criticism and put pressure on the apartheid regime. As such, diplomatic and economic embargoes were placed on South Africa which greatly undermined its political and economic interests. What followed was mass disobedience and violent protests from different racial groups against the apartheid regime, thereby leading to the deaths of thousands of people, particularly those who vehemently opposed the compulsive racial laws. The victims that survived were either injured, imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Thus, the period between 1988 and 1990 was marked by intense resistance. In addition, the period in question destabilised the very foundation of 'apartheism' as an ideology in South Africa. It also signalled the demise of the compulsive segregationist policies in the country. The years between 1990 and 1994 played a vital role in the history and historiography of South Africa. They witnessed the release of the long-awaited political prisoner, Nelson Mandela, who championed the remaining campaigns against the compulsive apartheid tendencies. He was officially and unconditionally released from prison after spending about 10,000 days behind bars. The period in question was characterised by various apartheid strategies aimed at destabilising the liberation movement. The regime introduced improved survival strategies in arming the police and other security agents with more power to crush all forms of insurrection against it. In the space of four years, thousands of people lost their lives in regime-sponsored and politically related violence. South Africa was thrown into a state of anarchy characterised by, among other things, intense rivalry among political formations. The year 1994, however, witnessed a departure from apartheid to democracy. It paved the way for the emergence of Nelson Mandela as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. The period between 1994 and 1996 played a vital role towards consolidating a popular democratic political system in South Africa. The emerging government was faced with a plethora of administrative, social, economic and political challenges. In 1996, the Government of National Unity (GNU), as part of its policy for national reconciliation, established a commission of enquiry known as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The commission’s mandate was to investigate various crimes committed by both the regime and other opposition political organisations, including the liberation movement. The findings of the commission revealed that the apartheid regime and its agencies, the Inkatha Freedom Party, IFP, the African National Congress, ANC, and other political groupings had committed varying degrees of abuses on fundamental civil liberties in South Africa. It could be argued that South Africa’s democratic elections produced an outcome which closely paralleled the Namibian experience and not that of Angola. The advent of a new political dispensation was welcomed and accepted beyond the borders of South Africa. The tri-cameral parliament with its dominant white house, token houses for ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ populations and total exclusion of African blacks, disappeared and was superseded by a democratically elected non-racial parliament. The homeland or Bantustan structures, i.e. the four (4) ‘independent’ and the six (6) ‘self-governing’ homelands melted away, capitulated or were deposed in the headlong and non-compulsive run-up to South Africa’s first democratic elections. Although the structures disappeared, their legacy lingered on in the form of a multiplicity of effects with which South Africa has had to grapple for years to come. Nominally the architects of apartheid’s compulsion survived the transfer of power to a majority government. Given their past record, they were extremely fortunate not to have been summarily banished to the political wilderness. This could be attributed either to the generosity of spirit displayed by the majority or to the good sense of the majority in pursuit of a compromise path to limit the possibility of violent conflict, or perhaps a mixture of both. A democracy, given the seminal role played by the security establishment as the instrument of compulsion and destabilisation, required security institutions for its continued well-being. Thus, the transformation of these institutions from instruments of compulsion to friendly protectors of civil liberties was crucial. Thus, from 1996 onwards, the new South Africa was substantially free from the kind of political violence which had resulted in deaths on an on-going basis.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of History, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2018. / This research study delves into the role of the international community towards dismantling the apartheid regime in South Africa during the period 1960-1990. It argues that racial discrimination in apartheid South Africa came into being gradually over the centuries of white settlement that began when the Dutch East India Company founded a colony on the Cape in 1652. Dutch settlers were joined by English colonials who fought and won control of South Africa at the end of the nineteenth century. White control followed independence from Britain and the descendents of Dutch setters regained political power when the Afrikaner-dominated National Party (NP), which governed South Africa until 1994, won all-white elections in 1948. One of the National Party’s main goals was to codify centuries of de facto white domination. The legislative cornerstones of apartheid – including the Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 (prohibiting marriage between people of different races), the Population Registration Act and Group Areas Act, both of 1950, the Reservation of Separate Amenities and Bantu Education Bills both of 1953 – constructed distinct racial categories, and sought to ensure that racial groups were kept physically separate; and that black, Asian, and coloured South Africans receive inferior education and remain weak in political and economic terms. This research study posits that collective action against apartheid came out of, and involved, a number of different historical experiences, related to different historical processes and structural contexts. The reaction of the outside world to the development of apartheid was widespread and posed a sustained challenge to the South African regime, which, facing myriad internal and external threats, eventually capitulated to make way for a new, democratic dispensation during the 1990s. Central to the argument in this research study is that while countries throughout the world took various measures to weaken and topple apartheid, it was particularly the anti-apartheid movements in the United Kingdom (UK), the United States of America (USA), support from the Soviet Union, pressure by the United Nations (UN), the OAU and the Frontline States that mounted the most serious of these challenges to the apartheid state.

M.A., Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2011 / Most previous academic studies undertaken on music festivals in South Africa have been largely done through economic lenses. They have dealt with growing the festival; financial benefits for the festival organisers; management styles and models of festivals. This research interrogates the impact of music festivals on the participating artists’ social, creative, intellectual and sustainable growth. The research studied these aspects through the analysis of the Standard Bank Joy of Jazz festival, which in 2010 was celebrating its diamond jubilee, and following six musicians who have participated in the festivals at different levels. Being a jazz artist myself, I became interested in what constitutes the development of a musician who participates in a jazz festival. This research seeks to depart from the socio-economic based studies by analysing the role of the Standard Bank Joy of Jazz festival in the lives of six South African jazz musicians and the perceived benefits. It also draws on a wide range of literature that covers issues ranging from socio-political scenarios to arts and culture policies from around the 1920s to the present day. What the research found is that music festivals had varying impact on developmental bands in comparison to established bands and musicians. It also looked at the effectiveness of arts and culture policies, legislations and their implementation in the South African music industry. Due to the width and breath of this research topic it must be stated that there are other areas that the research did not delve into due to the researcher’s limited tools - such as the psychological analysis capacity.

This thesis looks at the actions of Coca-Cola and Pepsi in South Africa during both the anti-apartheid movement and the post-apartheid era. The processes which led to those actions, both corporations’ removal of their presence in South Africa, the effects this had on South Africa, and their reemergence in a post-apartheid state are examined. It will be shown that, despite the public relations campaigns of both Coke and Pepsi, far more importance was placed on their products’ profitability than the well-being of the black Africans who produced, delivered, or consumed the soft drinks. However, both companies found their actions during the 1980s to affect their success after the fall of apartheid. Coke never truly left the country, leading to overwhelming dominance through the rest of the 20th century. Pepsi adhered to different social imperatives and suffered exceptionally low market shares as a result.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / Bibliography. Also available via the Internet.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Fachbereich Politologie--Universität Hamburg, 1989. Titre de soutenance : Zur politischen Funktion oppositioneller christlicher Kirchen in Südafrika (1968-1985).

Magister Psychologiae - MPsych / The history of South Africa is embedded in violence. This can be traced to the arrival of the Dutch settlers in 1652, to the Afrikaner–nationalist ideology of apartheid, and finally into the current dispensation of democracy. Historically, violence with its various forms and negative sequelae, has been narrated from an adult-centred perspective. Thus, due to the paucity of literature from the perspective of youth and adolescents, this study aims to review and synthesise the findings of existing empirical studies focusing on youth and adolescents’ perceptions of violence in post-apartheid South Africa. The study employed a systematic review methodology, which is a rigorous approach to reviewing the breadth and depth of literature on a particular topic, with specific criteria. After a systematic search of the literature, 34 articles were included in the review, with study samples including youth and adolescents aged 8 to 27-years. Three overarching themes were identified from the included studies, using thematic analysis, namely: exposure to violence; gender and sexual-based violence; and interpersonal and school violence. Findings demonstrate that the concept of violence is broad and nuanced, and that violence is experienced and enacted in multiple social settings. The key findings of the review are that several contributing factors result in violence, which includes but is not limited to the consequences of apartheid, low socioeconomic conditions, hegemonic masculinity, and male entitlement over women. At a grassroots level, more research is needed to gain deeper knowledge about how youth and adolescents understand, conceptualise, and contextualise the differing constructs of violence through various frameworks. Violence prevention and intervention requires a collaborative approach to exact meaningful change that will be beneficial for all stakeholders.

Magister Artium - MA / This mini-thesis draws on the biographical materials of activists; Zubeida Jaffer, Nokuthula Simelane and Siphiwo Mthimkulu in order to investigate their representation as South African Anti-Apartheid activists. Within Post-Apartheid South Africa there seems to be a strong tendency to focus on the spectacular violence that occurred between the National Party government and Apartheid activists. This almost singular focus has led to an overwhelming promotion of the heroic narrative and as a result the structural violence of daily life under apartheid has been side-lined

No description available.

No description available.