The research reported in this thesis is basically applied in purpose. However the theoretical siqnificance of interactional sociolinquistics is explored by showinq that it is based on a philosophy of science which differs fundamentally from the versions of positivism which have informed linquistics over the years. The research methods consistent with this methodology are also outlined. The applied siqnificance of the sub-field is demonstrated more qenerally at first by examininq its contribution to the understandinq of the relationship between lanquaqe and context. Thereafter the contribution to the understandinq of this relationship is explored in more specific terms by examininq the role of contextual information in the form of culturally-specific interactional styles in the accomplishinq of prejudice and neqative cultural stereotypes in intercultural communication in South Africa. The siqnificance of this explanation is explored further by showinq how such an interactional account fits into a more comprehensive explanation of the causes of discrimination in South Africa, one that includes, also. structural explanations, and explanations in terms of the psycholoqy of individuals. This prepares the way for a consideration of the possible contribution of interactional sociolinquistics to solutions to the problem of discrimination both in South Africa and elsewhere. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1987.

In June 1959 there were widespread riots and disturbances in the Durban African area of Cato Manor. The fundamental causes were socio-economic; arising from such factors as poor living conditions and widespread poverty. But it was the exhaustive beer-raids on illegal stills that provided a flashpoint. It was illegal for Africans to brew their own beer; instead they were obliged to purchase it from the municipal beer-halls - the money then being used for the development and administration of African facilities, (l) Amongst the inhabitants of Cato Manor and particularly amongst women who traditionally brewed the beer, this caused much dissatisfaction. However, discontent was prevented from reaching breaking -point by the police strategy of ignoring illegal brewing as long as amounts did not exceed more than k to 8 gallons, and also by only carrying out very perfunctory raids. (2) Another dimension was added to the beer-hall issue in the form of complaints by women that this was not the traditional way of doing things. They said that men should obtain beer from their women instead of frequenting the beer halls, and more importantly, by patronising the beer-halls, men were depriving their women of what little money they could have paid them. (3) In this complaint centering around the fact that an element of traditional life was being disrupted, is contained another issue of basic importance to the Natal riots in general. The policies of the government as implemented by the Durban Corporation in the case of Cato Manor meant the fragmentation of a traditional and still important social order. The economic function of the women of Cato Manor, and ass will be seen later, of most Natal women was being removed. In addition to basic deprivation it was this factor that can to a large extent be seen as the reason for the intensity and militancy of the women's attacks on the beer-halls and on Corporation property. Cato Manor was an area unique among the locations and townships of Durban. Its inhabitants had moved there in the years just after the war without any official sanction. Cato Manor was unplanned, and as a result of its spontaneous creation far less controlled and policed than any of the townships set up as a result of government planning. Because of this freedom Cato Manor was a haven for all those who were illegally in the urban areas, or whose livelihood contravened the multitude of rules and regulations governing the lives of Africans. Cato Manor's large population of shebeen queens owed its existence to this lack of control. (4) In 1958 there had been considerable discontent and unrest in Cato Manor over the attempt to implement shack-removal schemes, thereby clearing the slum and transferring much of its population to the new township of Kwa Mashu. At Kwa Mashu where rents were higher and which was also less centrally situated than Cato Manor, there was far more rigid control. Removals would have in effect meant that. Cato Manor's large illegal population, including the shebeen Queens and petty traders, would have been deprived of their livelihoods or endorsed out of the urban areas. (5) It was in this context that threats of a Typhoid epidemic in June 1959 caused the Durban Corporation to decide to radically increase and improve sanitation measures in Cato Manor, and to eliminate any conditions conducive to the breeding of flies. The refusal of the inhabitants of Cato Manor to do away with the large quantities of illegal liquor negated the health measures taken by the authorities. Finally, municipal labourers were ordered to enter Cato Manor and destroy all stills. The resentment aroused by this action caused a large group of women to march on the Booth Road Beerhall on June 17th whereupon they chased out the male customers and destroyed the beer. (6) The rioting spread rapidly to other Durban beerhalls and a large proportion of the Corporations property was destroyed. In addition, a successful beer boycott was launched. In Cato Manor violence had subsided by the beginning of July at which time it had already spread to such areas as Verulam and Umbumbulu. Six weeks after the initial rioting essential services had not yet been restored fully in Cato Manor. By the beginning of August unrest was rife in many of Natal's smaller towns as well as a large section of the rural areas.

Orientador: Marcelo Weishaupt Proni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T08:14:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cottle_Edward_M.pdf: 2019150 bytes, checksum: 606c1f2485a4d685ad7911f7cbbb190b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: O principal objetivo desta dissertação foi estudar a transformação do setor da construção na África do Sul durante o período 1994-2013, investigando em que medida esse setor foi capaz de transformar a desigualdade social do apartheid e qual foi o impacto sobre as empresas construtoras e sobre a força de trabalho. O setor da construção passou por uma transformação significativa e forte expansão desde o fim do apartheid na África do Sul. Até 1994, o setor da construção, como a maioria dos outros setores da economia, estava constrangido por sanções e políticas raciais que cercearam seu crescimento. Uma constatação importante após o fim do apartheid é a falta de reparação de pendências herdadas da infraestrutura social e econômica, especialmente na prestação de serviços sociais, incluindo a habitação, água e eletricidade. Em consequência de políticas estatais de propriedade negra, junto com a crescente internacionalização das corporações multinacionais no setor da construção, aumentou a monopolização e a desigualdade social dentro do setor. Os enormes gastos de obras públicas, incluindo a Copa do Mundo FIFA 2010, também contribuíram para o processo de elevação da concentração e centralização do capital, incluindo um aumento maciço do exército de reserva de mão de obra. Políticas de Estado têm sido ineficazes para superar o legado do capitalismo excludente e a estratificação do mercado de trabalho pós-1994, mantendo a oferta de mão de obra negra barata herdada do apartheid. O setor é conhecido pelas relações de trabalho precárias. Trabalhadores da construção civil são em grande parte negros, não qualificados e semiqualificados. E são regidos por contratos esporádicos, de duração limitada, por tempo parcial. Na sua maioria, são trabalhadores subcontratados ou trabalhadores com poucos benefícios trabalhistas, com possibilidades limitadas de acesso à formalização e à qualificação. A transformação do setor de construção sul-africano continua tendo como principais beneficiárias as multinacionais. Os sindicatos, fechados em sua abordagem reformista ("sindicalismo de negócios"), tornaram-se mais fracos e, como consequência, não têm sido capazes de defender o padrão de vida dos trabalhadores. As opções políticas do governo e a ineficácia das estratégias sindicais resultaram na manutenção de elevadas desigualdades sociais, associadas com uma força de trabalho ainda marcada pelo racismo, com a maior parte dos trabalhadores africanos ¿ vulneráveis e desfavorecidos ¿ trabalhando sob condições precárias de emprego. Palavras-chave: apartheid, setor de construção, trabalho precário, sindicalismo, desigualdade, África do Sul / Abstract: The main objective of this thesis was to study the transformation of the construction sector in South Africa over the period 1994-2013; to investigate to what extent the construction sector has been able to transform apartheid social inequalities and what has been the impact on construction companies and the labour force. The construction sector has undergone significant transformation and marked expansion since the end of apartheid in South Africa. During apartheid the construction sector, like most other economic sectors, was constrained by sanctions and racial policies which curbed its growth. An important reality after the demise of apartheid is the lack of redress of inherited backlogs in social and economic infrastructure, especially in the delivery of social services, including housing, water and electricity. The consequence of state policies of black ownership together with the growing internationalisation of South African construction Multi-National Corporations (MNCs) has increased monopolisation and social inequality within the sector. The massive public works expenditures, including the 2010 FIFA World Cup, have also assisted in the process of increasing the concentration and centralisation of capital, including a massive increase in the reserve army of labour. State policies have been ineffective in overcoming the legacy of apartheid capitalism as the labour market stratification post-1994 maintained the cheap black labour system inherited from apartheid. The sector is renowned for its preferred choice of precarious employment relations. Construction workers are largely black, unskilled and semi-skilled; are casual, part-time, self-employed or employed on limited duration contracts mostly by sub-contractors or labour brokers with little work benefits and limited possibilities of accessing formalised skills training. The transformation of the South African construction sector has as its main beneficiaries the MNCs that also benefited under Apartheid. The trade unions, locked into their reformist "business unionism" approach, have become weaker and, as a consequence, have not been able to defend the living standards of workers. The policy choices of the government and the ineffectiveness of the trade unions have produced more social inequalities within which a continued racialised labour force, and the bulk of vulnerable and disadvantaged African workers in particular, finds itself working under deteriorating employment conditions. Keywords: apartheid, construction sector, transformation, workers, trade unions, inequality, South Africa / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

M.A. / The study purports to trace and analyse how African women used local structures in the 1950's and 1960's to seek redress against the policies of racial segregation. This study intends showing how African women have piloted local organisations during the period under review, how they resisted all attempts by the local municipal council to have women removed from the location and how women rejected the authority of the local boards. Protest movements and organisations, and the type of political activity women engaged in before the 1950's, have been largely ignored by the few writers who have considered the matter at all. This has resulted in the assumption that there were no women's activities prior to 1950. C. Kros wrote: "...(that) there is a general assumption that until the 1950's women were passive and took a back seat in all spheres except forone or two outbursts of activity, like for instance the resistance against the passes in the Free State in 1913." 3 The study purports to dispel the myth that African women were inactive prior to 1950: This study shows that the emergence of the squatter settlement in the late 1940's was spearheaded by African women who had nowhere to settle, except by pitching up shacks. By early 1940 urban workers found it increasingly difficult to obtain suitably priced residential accommodation as no new houses were built. The study will analyse how Sofasonke Mpanza, a member of the Orlando Advisory Board and the leader of the Sofasonke Mpanza Party, was able to win adherents to his party, the majority of whom were women and why African women in Orlando defied the Municipal Council's regulations and pitched up "shelters" which came to be known as the "Shanty Town".

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Depuis la fin de l’apartheid, l’Afrique du Sud est entrée dans un vaste processus de reconstruction nationale. Les artistes de théâtre, qui s’étaient pour beaucoup impliqués dans la lutte contre le régime, ont ainsi dû redéfinir leur place au sein du pays. Cette thèse se concentre sur la période de 2004 à 2014 et étudie en particulier l’idéologie et les pratiques de troupes de théâtre professionnelles ayant choisi de mettre leur art au service du développement. Dans une dynamique prescriptive, ces dernières s’attaquent en priorité aux problématiques menaçant de façon immédiate l’équilibre vital de la société sud-africaine, prônant un changement attitudinal et comportemental auprès des publics visés. Constatant les difficultés de l’Afrique du Sud à gérer sa diversité et à effacer les multiples clivages issus de son histoire, les artistes s’emparent également de la question identitaire. Ainsi, les comédiens relaient les diverses perspectives sur le sujet et proposent à leur public de trouver un équilibre entre la reconnaissance des particularismes identitaires et la construction d’une nation fédérée autour de valeurs communes. Enfin, cette pratique artistique a pour vocation de transformer la réalité, constituant ainsi un défi pour tous ceux qui s’y impliquent. En modifiant le statut du spectateur, qui devient participant, les comédiens explorent la dimension performatrice de l’art théâtral. De plus, les artistes eux-mêmes sont confrontés à une exigence de cohérence, qu’il s’agisse de respecter effectivement leur mission en tant que troupe engagée pour le développement, ou d’incarner, au niveau professionnel comme privé, les valeurs qu’ils prônent sur scène. / Since the end of apartheid, South Africa has entered into a vast process of national reconstruction, mobilising diverse constituent parts of its society. Theatre artists, many of whom were involved in the fight against the regime, have had to redefine their role within their country. This thesis focuses on the period of time between 2004 and 2014, and studies in particular the ideology and practices of professional theatre companies that chose to devote their art to the service of development. Following a prescriptive approach, these companies put a priority on tackling issues that represent an immediate threat to the vital balance of South African society, advocating an attitudinal and behavioural change in the target audiences. Observing the difficulties South Africa faces in managing its diversity and overcoming the numerous divisions that are by-products of its history, the artists also take on the question of identity. In this way, the actors present diverse perspectives on the subject and leave it to their audience to find the balance between recognising particular identities and adopting common values to build a truly united nation. Finally, such a theatre aims at transforming reality, therefore challenging the audience and the artists alike. Through modifying the status of the spectator, who becomes a participant, the actors explore the performative dimension of theatrical art. In addition, the artists themselves are confronted with a requirement for coherence, whether this involves respecting their purpose as a company committed to development, or incarnating, in both a professional and private sense, the values which they advocate on stage.

There has been insufficient academic research on the music of the Eastern Cape in general and Port Elizabeth and New Brighton in particular. This study, as part of the International Library of African Music (ILAM)lRed Location Museum Music History Project (ILAMIRLMHP) - an oral history intervention to save the music history of New Brighton from extinction through research and documentation of the memories of veteran musicians - is focused on jazz vocalists. The primary objective of my study is to investigate, critically analyze, interpret and document the career experiences of six New Brighton jazz vocalists in the context of performing in the Port Elizabeth music industry during the apartheid and the post-apartheid eras. The secondary objectives are to stimulate research interests in music students and ethnomusicologists to pursue research on the music of Port Elizabeth and the Eastern Cape and to inspire and motivate the vocalists to continue making music with renewed zeal. A qualitative research paradigm informed the field research necessary for this study. The fieldwork paved the way for an eclectic framework of analysis grounded in Pierre Bourdieu's notions of habitus, field and capital, examining the impact of the context on the vocalists' habitus which influenced how they viewed and interpreted their past and current experiences in the performance field. Data obtained through extensive interviewing of New Brighton's contemporary female vocalists and their male counterparts revealed that they have no opportunity to make commercial recordings. The musicians have to migrate to Johannesburg to have successful music careers, although personality politics, greed and lack of professionalism also work against the musicians' success. The data shows that New Brighton musicians, both male and female, do not have enough performance opportunities and there are fewer chances to tour now than there were from the 1960s through the 1980s. As in the apartheid era, female vocalists are still discriminated against in terms of pay, and men discriminate in how they pay other male musicians. Analysis of the vocalists' jazz compositions revealed that their song lyrics depict a bona fide urban African culture and reflect the emotional needs of the society in which they live.

It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.

The main focus of this thesis is the challenges that are facing social policy development and implementation in South Africa in relation to the enhancement of human capability. The study adopted a historical approach to assess the model of social policy in South Africa and identified that social relations of domination inherited from the apartheid era continuing to produce inequalities in opportunities. Social policy under the democratic government has not managed to address social inequalities and the main drivers of poverty in the form of income poverty, asset poverty and capability poverty which are the underlying factors reproducing deprivation and destitution of the majority of the population Although South Africa prides itself of a stable democracy, social inequalities continue to undermine the benefits of social citizenship because political participation in the midst of unequal access to economic and social resources undermine the value of citizenship. Also, inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, and in the control of economic production undermine political equality which is an ethic upon which social rights are predicated. As a result, state interventions are lacking inherent potential to build human capability for people to live the life that they have reason to value. The paradox of social policy in South Africa is that the majority of those who are marginalised are those who were excluded by the apartheid regime even though state intervention is claimed to be targeting them. This points to the failure of incremental equalisation of opportunities within a context of stark social inequities. It is also an indication that the economic growth path delivered by the political transition is working to reinforce the inherited legacy of deprivation and it is avoiding questions related to the structural nature of poverty and inequalities. Therefore, a transformative social policy is an imperative for South Africa. Such a framework of social policy should be premised upon a notion of human security in order to built human capability. Human security focuses on the security of individuals and communities to strengthen human development. It emphasises on civil, political and socioeconomic rights for individual citizens to participate fully in the process of governance. Although this thesis is a case study of social policy in South Africa, it can be used to appreciate the role of social policy in other developing countries, particularly the impact of political decision making on social distribution. Poverty and social inequalities are growing problems in developing countries and so is the importance of putting these problems under the spotlight for political attention.

This booklet is intended to serve as a report-back to those organisations which were party to the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF) and to those who were unable to be present. It is also intended to act as a guide to action for 1990 and beyond. The CDF was a historic gathering of the forces for change represented by 4600 delegates from over 2100 organisations. These range form Bantustan parties on the one end of the political spectrum to ultra leftist groups on the other end. But perhaps the most significant presence was from organisations like Five Freedoms Forum, NAFCOC, the Hindu Seva Samaj, that of traditional leaders and the hundreds of other community organisations which are rapidly becoming an active component of the mass struggle for change. Also significant was the strong worker representation from a range of trade unions, including eight affiliates of NACTU whose leadership had turned down the invitation to be part of the Conference. The Conference for a Democratic Future was a major step in the overall process of building unity in action and maximising the isolation of the regime. It was, in this sense, not an isolated event. The year 1989 had taken unity in action to new heights with the Defiance Campaign and the mass marches. The process leading up to the CDF was intended td be more important then the Conference itself. Likewise, in the post-Conference period, the follow-up process should be given the importance it deserves. At the end of the day, it is this follow-up process which would determine the actual success or failure of the CDF exercise. The Declaration adopted at the Conference represents the strategic orientation of the broad forces for change. It calls for the intensification of the struggle and for the placing of the question of political power on the agenda of our united mass action. The Conference resolutions collectively contain the elements of a programme of action. Without exception, each resolution is a call to action. The task of all participants of the Conference is to translate these resolutions into Mass United Action. The adoption of the Harare Declaration should act as the starting point of a process which takes its content to the masses of our people in all comers of the country. The demand for the Constituent Assembly should become a popular demand of the people. By adopting the resolution on international pressure, the Conference sends an unambiguous signal to the world community on how the people of South Africa view their role in the struggle to end apartheid. The follow-up to the Conference should also be a continuing search for whatever common ground exists between the broad forces for change. This search must take place not only at a national level, but mere importantly at a regional and local level. Let us bear in mind the words of the Declaration: “The moral appeal of the Democratic Movement has never been greater”. by an MDM delegate on the CDF Convening Committee. / Includes the Harare Declaration: declaration of the OAU Ad-hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the Question of South Africa (Harare, Zimbabwe, August 21, 1989)