The purpose of this study seeks to uncover the relationship between the political objectives of the primary Palestinian political entities, the methods used by those entities to pursue their goals, and the socio-cultural fluctuation vis-á-vis the acceptability of, and participation in, suicide terrorism that has occured as a result.

[Truncated abstract] This thesis examines the potential for children to contribute to peacebuilding processes in societies experiencing protracted social conflict. Since the shifting nature of contemporary armed conflict has increased the involvement of civilians, the potential for purely government-brokered peacemaking initiatives to bring about a sustained end to conflict has weakened. As a consequence, effective and permanent cessation to conflict has a better chance of success if a policy of grass-roots peacebuilding is constructed in and around top-level peace agreements. Implementation of track two diplomatic initiatives, particularly using the process of conflict transformation through dialogue encounter, has the potential to encourage a fundamental shift in the perceptions held by opposing groups in conflict, and the eventual total transformation of the conflict itself. … Parallel cultural analyses of Palestinian and Israeli society reveal the role of culture and nationbuilding in protracted social conflict; the effect of these dynamics on the political socialisation of children from both sides; and the extent to which these dynamics produce children who are suitable for participation in peacebuilding initiatives. The dissertation then explores the programs of several key child-orientated peacebuilding organisations currently operating in the sphere of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Through analysis of procedures, outcomes, effectiveness and external societal dynamics, the thesis discusses the various social, economic, cultural and political factors that contribute to the success and limitations of such ventures in Israel/Palestine.

Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs / U.S. President Jimmy Carter's handling of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East can only be properly understood in the context of his religious beliefs. Carter pursued what amounted to a faith-based foreign policy. Guided by the Christian concepts of justice, forgiveness, humility, and an emphasis on the importance of individuals, Carter attempted to make policy conform to the standards set by his faith. Viewing the Arab-Israeli conflict through this lens, he committed to advancing the Middle East peace process out of a Christian sense of duty. Religious belief caused Carter to champion the Palestinians' cause since he believed that the Palestinian people were suffering grave injustices under the Israeli occupation of the West Banka and Gaza. Ultimately, his faith-based approach proved unable to resolve the many diplomatic challenges facing his administration in the region. Fearing that any chance for peace might be lost, he invited Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and President Anwar Sadat of Egypt to Camp David for substantive talks in September 1978. Only when Carter abandoned his religiously grounded policy orientation and embraced a coldly calculating approach did he succeed in getting the Israelis and Egyptians to agree to a deal. With the conclusion of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty in March 1979, Carter effectively removed himself from any further involvement in the process. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs / The Middle East was a tense place in 1976. In the past thirty years, Israel had fought four wars with its neighbors. President Richard Nixon and his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger helped negotiate three partial settlements, two between Egypt and Israel and one between Syria and Egypt. But Israel maintained control of most of the Golan Heights, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and most of the Sinai when Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976. One of his first actions as president was to embark on a course to attempt to bring peace to the region. He began with a plan for a comprehensive settlement between Israel and all its neighbors, but left office after only achieving a single peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. This thesis will examine the successes and failures of Carter’s foreign policy to bring peace to the Middle East. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: History Honors Program. / Discipline: History.

Cette thèse porte sur les événements libanais ayant entrainé à la crise libanaise de 1982 et les conséquences qui en découlèrent jusqu’à la signature de l’accord de Taef. Ce travail de recherche fait, en premier lieu, l’objet d’une étude des causes directes et indirectes qui s’accompagne d’un tableau des différents acteurs, internes et externes, impliqués dans cet évènement, ainsi que du rôle que chacun d’eux a joué durant cette crise. Tout ceci mène à une réflexion approfondie de l’année de 1982 durant laquelle l’armée israélienne a envahi le territoire libanais et assiégé la capitale du pays de cèdre. Cette réflexion se développe autour du rôle et des réactions des grandes puissances au Liban pendant l’opération de 1982, et plus largement au cours de la guerre civile, sans en omettre pour autant les conséquences que cet acte militaire a eu sur les israéliens et les palestiniens, notamment ceux du Liban. À l’issue de cette opération, le Liban entre dans une nouvelle phase de sa crise. Milices musulmanes et chrétiennes s’entretuent entre elles, le pays fut abandonné à son sort malgré quelques tentatives de réconciliation à Genève et à Lausanne. Cette analyse s’achève par un bilan détaillé de la période aboutissant à la fin de la guerre, avec la présence du général Aron au pouvoir et de ses aventures militaires, qui s’achèvent par la signature de l’accord de Taef. Ce dernier est une fabrication étrangère mise en place à l’aide d’outils libanais qui marque l’arrêt des combats et, officiellement, la fin de la guerre civile libanaise. Le Liban doit, à partir de ce moment-là, se reconstruire / This thesis focuses on the Lebanese events which led to the Lebanese crisis of 1982 and theconsequences that gushed up till the signing of the Taif Agreement. This work of research constitutes, in the first place, the object of a study of the direct and indirect causes which is accompanied by an array of actors, internal and external, involved in this event, and the role played by each of them in this crisis. All these lead to a further reflection of the year 1982, during which the Israeli army invaded Lebanon and besieged the capital of the country of cedars. This reflection is developed during the role and responses of major powers in Lebanon during the operation of 1982, and more widely during the Civil War, without omitting the consequences that this military action had on the Israelis and Palestinians, especially those inLebanon. Following this operation, Lebanon enters a new phase of its crisis; Muslim and Christian militias are fighting each other; the country was left to its fate despite some attempts at reconciliation in Geneva and Lausanne. This analysis ended by a detailed outcome of the period leading to the end of the war, in the presence of General Aoun in the authority and his military adventures, which ended with the signing of the Taif accord. The latter is a foreign fabrication established by Lebanese tools that marks the end of fighting and, officially, the end of the Lebanese civil war. Lebanon has, from that time, to rebuild

This is an ethnographic study of the fraught and complex cultural politics of music making in Palestine-Israel in the context of the post-Oslo era. I examine the politics of sound and the ways in which music making and attached discourses reflect and constitute identities, and also, contextualize political action. Ethical and aesthetic positions that shape contemporary artistic production in Israel-Palestine are informed by profound imbalances of power between the State (Israel), the stateless (Palestinians of the occupied Palestinian territories), the complex positioning of Israel's Palestinian minority, and contingent exposure to ongoing political violence. Cultural production in this period is also profoundly informed by highly polarized sentiments and retreat from the expressive modes of relationality that accompanied the 1990s peace process, strategic shifts in the Palestinian struggle for liberation, which is increasingly taking place on the world stage through diplomatic and cultural work, and the conceptual life and currency Palestine has gained as an entity deserving of statehood around the world. The ethnography attends to how the conflict is lived and expressed, musically and discursively, in both Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank, encompassing different sites, institutions and individuals. I examine the ways in which music making and attached discourses reflect and constitute identities, with the understanding that musical culture is a sphere in which power and hegemony are asserted, negotiated and resisted through shifting relations between and within different groups. In all the different contexts presented, the dissertation is thematically and theoretically underpinned by the ways in which music is used to culturally assert or reterritorialize social and spatial boundaries in a situation of conflict. Beginning with cultural policy promoted by music institutions located in Israel and in the West Bank, the ethnography focuses on two opposing approaches to cultural interventions in the conflict: music as a site of resistance and nation building amongst Palestinian music conservatories located in the oPt, and music is a site of fostering coexistence and shared models of citizenship amongst Jewish and Arab citizens in mixed Palestinian-Jewish environments in Israel. This follows with the ways in which music making is used to re-write the spatial and temporal boundaries imposed on individuals and communities by the repressive regime of the occupation. The ethnography also attends to the ways in which the cultural construction of place and nation is lived and sounded outside of institutional frameworks, in the blurry boundaries and `boderzones' where fixed ethno-national divisions do not align with physical spaces and individual identities. This opens up spaces for alternative imaginings of national and post-national identities, of resistance and coexistence, of the universal and the particular, that musically highlight the daily struggles of individuals and communities negotiating multiplex modalities of difference.

This dissertation examines monitoring of state compliance with international humanitarian law (IHL) conducted by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). In subjecting this particular monitoring regime to systematic analysis, the dissertation sheds light on the more general question of the effects of international law on state behavior. The project first places the de facto monitoring regime that governs IHL in the broader context of other monitoring regimes in international politics. Here the decentralized nature of the monitoring regime that governs IHL is highlighted. The central role played by a non state actor, the ICRC, in both the initial codification of the law and its monitoring is partial indication of the tepid interest of states in securing compliance with the law. This chapter likewise examines variation in the IHL monitoring regime across time to explain how exogenous changes in the nature of war in the post-World War II period led to the obsolescence of the institution of the protecting power and its replacement by an ad hoc monitoring system with the ICRC at its center. The informality of this institutional arrangement proved an asset, as it was not hamstrung by the same considerations that bedeviled its competitors, the protecting power and the International Humanitarian Fact Finding Commission (IHFFC). The dissertation proceeds to introduce an original dataset and to test via statistical analysis a set of hypotheses about the conditions under which states grant access to the ICRC as a monitor of IHL compliance. Though both regime type variables and variables related to the military-strategic context prove significant, there is substantial evidence that states make strategic use of monitor access, for instance offering partial but incomplete access as a way to accrue at minimum cost the benefits of signaling compliance. There is further evidence that, while some indicators of military urgency decrease monitor access as realists would predict, other such indicators have the opposite effect. I read this as indication that offering a degree of access holds some political value to warring states and thus is an incentive for states to offer partial access even absent full commitment to the law. This intermediate level of access that appears so attractive to states is thus a potential moral hazard. The next chapter examines the strategic decisions, not of states, but of the ICRC itself, probing in particular the circumstances under which it is most likely to break its confidentiality policy and "go public." Examining the full universe of ICRC press releases from 1995 to 2005, I find evidence that the organization is particularly likely to choose a policy of silence in situations in which states refuse it access. This decision may sometimes be problematic. As in the case of the Algerian civil war, the organization may hold its tongue during a civil war in which IHL violation is rampant only to happily announce that it has been welcomed back into the state once the opposition has been routed. This chapter also finds evidence for the relevance of a cultural variable. Because ICRC neutrality is particularly suspect in contexts in which a politicized strand of Islam is a salient conflict dimension, the ICRC tends toward a general policy of silence in such conflicts. A notable exception, nevertheless consistent with the general logic explicated here, is the Israeli Palestinian conflict, in which the ICRC has been unusually critical of Israel in an attempt, I argue, to demonstrate the organization's credibility to Arab and Muslim audiences.

Orientadora: Raquel Cabral / Banca: Maximiliano Martin Vicente / Banca: Marcos Alan Shaikhzadeh Vahdat Ferreira / Resumo: O jornalismo para a paz (Peace Journalism) é um conceito que nasce a partir dos Estudos para a Paz (Peace Studies). Neste âmbito, são pensadas em maneiras pelas quais as práticas jornalísticas podem colaborar para a desconstrução das estruturas de violência, representando o interesse público e fortalecendo a democracia e uma cultura de paz. Neste estudo, tomando como objeto o caso das movimentações de refugiados sírios a partir do ano de 2015, foi conduzida uma análise de conteúdo de matérias dos sites de notícias G1 e Al Jazeera English (AJE) utilizando o jornalismo para a paz como suporte metodológico. As categorias de análise incluem tipologia de violência, contextualização sociopolítica, progressão temporal, utilização de fontes, terminologia, iniciativas de cultura de paz e adaptação e cultura dos refugiados. Os resultados das análises de 104 unidades de informação mostram que há, nos dois veículos jornalísticos, a presença tanto de elementos do jornalismo para a paz quanto do modelo do jornalismo de guerra ou violência, teoricamente oposto ao Peace Journalism. Por exemplo, ambos os sites dão destaque a matérias que têm a violência estrutural em primeiro plano e trazem informações sobre o contexto social e político relacionado ao tema dos refugiados. Em contrapartida, uma análise detalhada indica que essa contextualização é feita de maneira breve. Em relação às fontes, as matérias da AJE são as que mais incorporam depoimentos de autoridades políticas. No G1, apesar de es... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Within the context of Peace Journalism, as a concept that emerges from the Peace Studies, this research investigated in which ways the journalistic activity can assist in deconstructing the structures of violence, hence representing public interest and strengthening democracy and a culture of peace. The present study performed a content analysis of news websites Brazilian G1 and Qatari Al Jazeera English (AJE) based on the Peace Journalism framework. The case of the Syrian refugees movements from 2015 on was the main theme of the analyzed news stories. The categories of the content analysis were typology of violence, sociopolitical context, timeline, usage of sources, terminology; culture of peace initiatives, and adaptation and culture. The results of the analyses of 104 stories show that in both websites there are elements of Peace Journalism, as well as War Journalism's ones - the latter theoretically opposes the Peace Journalism framework. For instance, G1 and AJE prioritize news that foregrounds structural violence, and include in their content information on social and political conjuncture of the Middle Eastern refugees case. Nevertheless, a detailed analysis shows that this contextualization is not covered in a thorough manner. Regarding the sources, AJE stories are the ones that incorporate statements from political authorities the most. Although those sources are also frequent on G1, in this website there is a strategy to bring the displacement issue closer to the B... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: El periodismo para la paz (Peace Journalism) es un concepto que nace desde la Investigación para la Paz (Peace Studies). En este ámbito, son pensadas en las maneras por las cuales las prácticas periodísticas pueden colaborar para la deconstrucción de las estructuras de violencia, representando el interés público y fortaleciendo la democracia y la cultura de paz. En esta investigación se ha desarrollado un análisis de contenido del sitio web de noticias brasileño G1 y del catarí Al Jazeera English (AJE) basado en el modelo teórico del periodismo para la paz. El caso de los desplazamientos de los refugiados sirios desde 2015 fue el tema principal de las noticias analizadas. Las categorías del análisis incluyen tipología de violencia, contextualización sociopolítica, progresión temporal, utilización de fuentes, terminología, iniciativas de cultura de paz y adaptación y cultura de los refugiados. El resultado del análisis de 104 noticias muestra que hay en los dos sitios web tanto elementos del periodismo para la paz como del periodismo de guerra o violencia, modelo que se contrapone teóricamente al primero. Por ejemplo, ambos priorizan noticias que tiene la violencia estructural en primer plano y incluyen en sus contenidos informaciones sobre el contexto social y político relacionado al tema de los refugiados. Sin embargo, un análisis detallado indica que esta contextualización es hecha superficialmente. En relación a las fuentes, las noticias de AJE son las que más incorporan d... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

The deep-rooted Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a major source of destabilization in the Middle East for some three-quarters of a century. Whereas other long-standing conflicts around the world have been brought to a close, this struggle (both in and of itself and within its wider Arab-Israeli dimension) remains a perennial tinderbox. This is particularly true given the unsettling realities of the region in which the conflict exists. Consequently, a certain sense of urgency for finding a permanent political settlement can be discerned both within the region and outside it. still, the search for a solution has yielded progress only on an interim arrangement (the Gaza-Jericho autonomy accord signed by Israel and the PLO September 13, 1993). To be workable, a political settlement must break new ground by conceptualizing the problem in terms which transcend the traditional, emotion-laden and myopic rhetoric commonly used by both sides. This research is an attempt to contribute to a fresh, far-reaching understanding of the requisites for a secure Israeli-Palestinian peace and, on this basis, to evaluate the alternative scenarios for the ultimate disposition of the Israeli-administered West Bank and Gaza Strip. To that end, the fundamental question is which of these alternatives would go furthest in satisfying the vital interests of both parties so that a permanent settlement of the disputed territories might at last be implemented. In developing a conceptual framework for evaluating potential solutions, this research incorporates a comprehensive definition of "national security" juxtaposed with a concept related to American-Soviet detente: common security. National security means protection against all major perils to a state's security, not merely military threats. Common security is a mutual commitment to joint survival. It is based on a recognition that because of an increasingly interdependent world, states can no longer achieve security unilaterally but rather only through the creation of positive-sum processes that lead to cooperation with one another. The first half of this thesis, then, attempts to establish the essential elements of a common security framework for Israel and the Palestinian inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza. The concluding chapters of the thesis focus on the evaluation of five alternative scenarios for an IsraeliPalestinian political settlement: 1) the present status quo: 2) the "Jordanian option," or a return to the status quo ante of June 1967; 3) Israeli annexation; 4) an IsraelJordan confederation with a Palestinian entity federally linked to one or both; and 5) a Palestinian state, either fully independent or federally connected with Israel and/or Jordan. Each option is assessed on the basis of the degree to which it would satisfy the common-security criteria formulated in the preceding chapters: 1) protection against military threats: 2) the realization of Palestinian political self-determination; 3) the preservation of Israel's Jewish and democratic ideals; 4) internal (societal) and regional stability; 5) economic viability; and 6) the sufficient and equitable allocation of water resources. The alternative rated most favorably is the establishment of a sovereign, independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, excluding the Jordan Valley and the Jerusalem Corridor. This assessment presupposes certain provisions. Among these are the deployment of an American-led multinational peacekeeping force in the Samarian mountains of the West Bank, the creation of an economic confederation and tripartite federal water authority linking Israel, Jordan and Arab Palestine, and a special status for East Jerusalem. The implementation of such a settlement, it is argued, would create a new modus vivendi among the Arabs and the Israelis, which, in turn, could serve as the underpinning of a durable and comprehensive peace.

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 177-198).