From the pre-Roman and Roman Iron Age, a number of different fossil agrarian landscapes can be found in southern Sweden - clearance cairn areas, celtic fields, stone-wall complexes and geometrically laid-out strip fields. With two different comparative analyses, this paper tries to explain some of the differences between clearance cairn systems and the other fossil field systems The shape of the early Iron Age agrarian landscape varies between different provinces of southern Sweden. At Gotland, celtic field systems were laid-out before 500 BC. In Småland at the same time, areas with clearance cairns were created. How can the difference be explained? The different physical appearance of clearance cairn areas and celtic fields can be explained by the different ways to handle the ard in till and in sandy soil. In sandy soils, and other fine soils, the ard will at each turn deposit small amounts of roots, soil and debris at the edge of the field, which over the years will build up the walls of the celtic fields. But in boulder-rich soil the ard will constantly have to be lifted and tilted, which means that the material will be released before the ard reaches the edge of the field. Since crops, vegetation, houses, field system areas, etc. are identical or at least similar in both landscape types, they most likely represent the same farming system with hay-meadow – stabling – manure – intensely cultivated fields In most provinces in southern Sweden, the pre-roman celtic fields and clearance cairn areas were replaced by geometrically laid-out strip fields or different kinds of stone-wall complexes enclosing the fields and farms, around AD 200, but not in Småland. There, the clearance cairn areas were used and extended throughout the Iron Age. How can this regional variation be explained? A comparison between the different landscape types reveals no significant differences in tools, crops, houses, etc. that would support that the difference is explained by a shift in farming systems. A more likely hypothesis is that the difference is due to regional pre-state or early-state political structures with an ambition to control land-use. This is based on the observations that 1) within each region the physical appearance of the fossil landscape is very coherent; 2) between the different regions there are significant differences, and; 3) the different systems were introduced approximately simultaneously in the regions Gotland, Öland, Östergötland, Uppland and Västergötland. This hypothesis implies that Småland either had a separate political structure which chose to keep the old clearance cairn land-use system, or lacked a corresponding regional structure.

In South Sweden the third millennium BC is characterised by coastal settlements of marine hunter-gatherers known as the Pitted Ware culture, and inland settlements of the Battle Axe culture. This thesis outlines the history of research of the Middle Neolithic B in general and that of the pottery and burial practices in particular. Material culture must be understood as the result of both conscious preferences and embodied practices: technology can be deliberately cultural just as style can be un-selfconscious routine. Anthropological and ethnoarchaeological research into craft and the transmission of learning in traditional societies shows how archaeologists must take into consideration the interdependence of mind and body when interpreting style, technology and change in prehistory. The pottery crafts of the Pitted Ware and Battle Axe cultures were not just fundamentally different technologically, but even more so in the attitudes toward authority, tradition, variation and the social role of the potter in the community. The Battle Axe beakers represent a wholly new chaîne opératoire, probably introduced by a small group of relocated Beaker potters at the beginning of the period. The different attitudes toward living bodies is highlighted further in the attitudes toward the dead bodies. In the mortuary ritual the Battle Axe culture was intent upon the creation and control of a perfect body which acted as a representative of the idealised notion of what it was to belong to the community. This focus upon completeness, continuation and control is echoed in the making of beakers using the ground up remains of old vessels as temper. In contrast, the Pitted Ware culture people broke the bodies of the dead by defleshing, removal of body parts, cremation, sorting, dispersal and/or reburial of the bones on the settlements. The individuality of the living body was destroyed leaving the durable but depersonalised bones to be returned to the joint collective of the ancestors. Just as the bodies were fragmented so were the pots, sherds and bases being deposited in large quantities on the settlements and occasionally in graves. Some of the pots were also tempered with burnt and crushed bones. At the end of the Middle Neolithic the material and human remains show evidence of a growing effort to find a common ground in the two societies through sharing certain mortuary rituals and making beakers with a mix of both traditions, stylistically and technologically.

This paper deals with village history around millstone quarry Eastern Utsjö in Malung, Sweden, in the hope of finding deposits that could date the quarry, in that the quarry in the current situation is dated only by the millstone fragments outside the resort. My purpose was to conduct a discussion on the quarry alone can be dated by deposits outside the resort. I have used FMIS RAÄ:s fornsök and a lot of literature to identify village history. The results showed that it is not possible to date the millstone quarry from village history, but through deposits outside the resort of Malung, which have been found around Mälardalen, Sweden through archaeological excavations, and derived from the millstone quarry Eastern Utsjö, can put an age on the quarry.