In 1928 Hipo´lito lrigoyen was the most popular President that the Argentine people had elected. Two years later his popularity had evaporated and a few hundred military cadets ousted the government. The reasons go beyond this two-year period. Argentina, contrary to popular belief, did not have a democratic tradition. The nation had been ruled by the dominant economic interests up to 1916. In 1916, Hipo´lito Irigoyen was elected to his first term. The people expected him to provide them with a decent and honorable life. But in choosing the legal path of elections instead of revolution Irigoyen pre-empted any revolutionary social changes. In 1928, Irigoyen, at 76, surprised his opponents and won a second term. He was loved by the people as he had embodied their spirit. But lrigoyen considered his victory as a mandate from the people, not an election. As the ends justified the means, the government operated on the margin of legality. lrigoyen had abandoned the principles that he had fought to maintain for over thirty years. This could have been tolerated if lrigoyen had enacted some pervasive social measures to maintain his support. Instead he permitted the usurped power to remain idle. The governmental processes slowed to a snail's pace. Appointments were not made, contracts were not signed, payments were not made while the President was intent upon increasing his power for power alone. The governmental inactivity and usurpations caused a wave of political unrest which culminated in the military golpe de estado of September 6, 1930.

This investigation into certain elements of critical Latin American Literature was prompted by the apparent post-1980s neglect by academics of Anglo-Saxon origin to engage with the state and social class, in the contextual framework of the political economy, as central elements of social analysis. This analytical perspective of the state was marginalised by post-modernism and post-structuralism during the 1980s and 1990s with the state re-defined by contemporary globalisation theorists according to a notion of the nation-state. This constitutes one element of an overaching configuration of power relationa and networks comprising a variety of transnational players who assume political and economic roles to pursue their interests. This designation of players detracts from the centrality of class as an analytical tool, preferring to dwell on notions of power and conflict without pursuing tha analysis to its fundamental origin in a system of control and ownership of resources by dominant transnational corporations. An abandoning of the state as a central conceptual tool has coincided with changes , in the way the role performed by the university is conceptualised, foregrounding symptoms of an ideological intrusion by neoliberal discourse concerning the role of the University, rather than locating the cause. Hence the greater struggle for ideological hegemony that occurs within society, waged by the mass media, as mouthpiece of implementation by agents of transnational financial capital, and progating a neoliberal discourse, seems overlooked.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Jordão Machado / Banca: Mariana Martins Villaça / Banca: Pedro Plaza Pinto / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem por objetivo central realizar uma analise imanente do documentário La hora de los hornos (1968), do grupo argentino Cine Liberación. Com uma proposta de cinema-militante, o filme produz determinada imagem dos povos latino-americanos, conferindo à luta política e aos movimentos sociais um caráter aglutinador dos projetos nacionalistas no continente. Aproximando-se principalmente das tendências de base do sindicalismo peronista e de ideais comuns aos movimentos ligados às esquerdas nacionalistas dos países do denominado Terceiro Mundo, La hora de los hornos realiza uma síntese de ideologias através das mensagens fílmicas. Com base nos debates da história e da teoria do cinema - particularmente do documentário - analisamos a forma como a "voz do texto" organiza algumas seqüências-chave do filme para produzir determinadas representações através das imagens e dos sons. Também analisamos documentos extra-fílmicos, como textos e entrevistas dos realizadores de Cine Liberación, nos quais pudemos encontrar suas propostas mais sistematizadas para um cinema-militante em diálogo com o conjunto de filmes e realizadores denominado Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano / Abstract: The main goal of this dissertation is to do an immanent analysis of the documentary La hora de los hornos (1968), from the argentine group Cine Liberación. With a filmmilitant proposal, the movie produces a specific image from the Latin-American people, granting to the political struggle and social movements an agglutinating character of the nationalist projects in the continent. Getting close, especially, to the basis tendencies of the peronista unionism and common ideals to the movements associated with the nationalist lefts from the so-called Third World country, La hora de los hornos synthesizes ideologies through filmic messages. Based on debates from the history and film theory - particularly the documentary - the way which the "voice of the text" organizes some key-sequences in the film to produce certain representations through image and sound was analyzed. Extra-filmic documents such as written texts and interviews with the Cine Liberación directors, in which we could find their proposals for a militant cinema better systematized in connection with an ensemble of films and directors called New Latin American Cinema were also analyzed / Mestre

Magister Educationis - MEd / This investigation into certain elements of critical Latin American Literature was prompted by the apparent post-1980s neglect by academics of Anglo-Saxon origin to engage with the state and social class, in the contextual framework of the political economy, as central elements of social analysis. This analytical perspective of the state was marginalised by post-modernism and post-structuralism during the 1980s and 1990s with the state re-defined by contemporary globalisation theorists according to a notion of the nation-state. This constitutes one element of an overaching configuration of power relationa and networks comprising a variety of transnational players who assume political and economic roles to pursue their interests. This designation of players detracts from the centrality of class as an analytical tool, preferring to dwell on notions of power and conflict without pursuing tha analysis to its fundamental origin in a system of control and ownership of resources by dominant transnational corporations. An abandoning of the state as a central conceptual tool has coincided with changes , in the way the role performed by the university is conceptualised, foregrounding symptoms of an ideological intrusion by neoliberal discourse concerning the role of the University, rather than locating the cause. Hence the greater struggle for ideological hegemony that occurs within society, waged by the mass media, as mouthpiece of implementation by agents of transnational financial capital, and progating a neoliberal discourse, seems overlooked. / South Africa

This thesis examines the development of a capital goods industry in Mendoza Argentina through an analysis of linkages and industrial governance systems. Linkages are material, informational, and financial flows among firms. Industrial governance systems are the social practices that cement linkages. Hence, linkages are understood as socially embedded and not as market transactions governed solely by price considerations. The study has two major arguments. First, it claims that contrary to conventional industrial location theory firms do not locate in view of the previous existence of certain favorable factors, but rather construct these factors as they grow. This argument is operationalized by asking how firms generate in time their own linkages. Examples taken from the 1895-1990 period include labor and subcontractors, clientele, services, and the emergence of economic groups. Second, this study argues that the capital-goods industry in Mendoza is undergoing a Substantial (and unprecedented) transition in the way production is organized. The transition is part of the larger shift taking place at both the national and global scales. The analysis focuses on the historical pattern of linkages and governance systems in the industry, and contrasts that pattern with that of the recent decade. Implicit in the previous two arguments are two territorial dimensions. First, the development of “industry produces regions" (Storper and Walker 1989). Second, at the intra-city level this means that the evolution of the industry (and specifically its linkage structure and governance systems) has a direct bearing on the direction and nature of the city’s growth. These two arguments are illustrated through empirical work in Mendoza, a city of close to a million people in western Argentina. Over 100 interviews gathered over ten months reveal the origins, evolution, and current form of linkages in the capital-goods industry. These interviews are complemented by data from a variety of sources. The main conclusions of the study are three. First, the study illustrates the richness and depth that emerges from a project based on substantial fieldwork. Second, it shows the advantages of conceiving industrialization not as the location of plants in response to favorable conditions, but as a process initiated by the firms themselves. Third, the dissertation shows that the capital-goods industry of Mendoza iS in a transitional phase towards new ways of organizing production. The transition is expressed in new linkage structures, new governance systems, and the emergence of new types of firms and institutional arrangements. / Ph. D.

This thesis seeks to explain Argentine and Chilean approaches to modern Pan-Americanism. It offers several significant contributions to the historiography of Pan-Americanism and Southern Cone policymaking. First, it provides a sweeping overview of Pan-Americanism as a form of regional cooperation from 1888 to 1930, gathering the various strands of Pan-American history and forming a coherent overall narrative. It introduces a two-dimensional analytical framework for understanding Pan-American cooperation as a whole. The 'first dimension' included efforts to regulate the political relationships in the Americas while the 'second dimension' was more technical, social, cultural, and commercial. Within this framework, the approaches of two participant countries (Chile and Argentina) are closely examined in parallel. Attitudes towards the US, geopolitical calculations, and economic considerations – the basis of most historical interpretations – form part of the explanation, but this thesis presents a more complicated set of actors, influences, and ideas. Inspired by the methodology of Foreign Policy Analysis and recent studies in modern regionalism, the second half of the thesis deconstructs Pan-American policies. It examines four patterns that emerged through research: changes in the organization of policymaking, the influence of non-state actors and public opinion, the rise of intermestic strands of Pan-Americanism, and the role of ideas in international relations. Each pattern is analyzed and fully substantiated using evidence selected from the narrative and supplemented by wider research. Referencing models from multiple disciplines, the chapters reveal how different actors and objectives (including stemming social crisis, gaining prestige, and demonstrating commitment to democratic governance) influenced policy at different moments. Ultimately, this thesis emphasises the interplay of factors and suggests that unpacking Pan-Americanism has implications for understanding Latin America's role in international history and modern regionalism in the Americas.

The present dissertation offers a critical examination of the place accorded to Latin American states in the English School account of the expansion of international society. It pursues two aims. First, the study contributes to understanding the nature and scope of international order, and its historical transformation over the course of the 'long nineteenth century'. Because of the profound impact that European colonization had on the region, the English School has conventionally treated the entry of Latin American states into international society as an unproblematic historical fact achieved with diplomatic recognition in the 1820s. The crucial cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, however, indicate that more attention needs to the paid to the hierarchical nature of the international order. The central argument of this historical-comparative study posits that the three Latin American states were recognized diplomatically, but they were not regarded as fully-fledged members of the community of 'civilized' states. Second, the dissertation examines the implications of hierarchy in international politics. Building on a critique of the legal-formalist conception of 'standing' in English School theorizing, three ideal-typical dimensions of international stratification are identified: the distribution of material capabilities (stature), the function states perform in international society (role), and estimations of honour and prestige (status) among states. The interpretative framework sheds light on how agents understand international society, and the way in which they deal with its hierarchical nature. The study analyzes how Latin American elites perceived the standing of their state, and how these perceptions shaped politics through their corresponding 'logics of social action'. The study finds that nineteenth-century elites in Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil conceived of the standing of their states predominantly in terms of status, and demonstrates how these perceptions informed politics.

Orientador: José Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T20:23:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_Priscila_M.pdf: 27248639 bytes, checksum: 801076349c108b5c8a789f5258de65f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa analisa as representações do gaucho nos quadrinhos de Inodoro Pereyra, personagem criada pelo humorista argentino Roberto Fontanarrosa na década de 70 do século XX. Nascido como uma paródia da literatura gauchesca, do radioteatro e do folclore argentino, a trajetória do renegau retoma a metáfora sarmientina civilização e barbárie, que atravessa não só a história deste país, mas se inscreve na tradição política de toda a América Latina. Neste sentido, através dos quadrinhos deste gaucho é possível rediscutir importantes questões que marcaram a história da República Argentina, tais como as oposições entre pampa e litoral, unitários e federais, nacionalismo e cosmopolitismo, e que compõem a imagem de uma nação dividida. Além disso, a epopéia vivida pela personagem permite que redimensionemos o tema "as duas Argentinas", tendo em vista que este quadrinho está transpassado por imagens relacionadas ao imaginário social desta nação / Abstract: This research analyzes the representations of the gaucho in the comics of Inodoro Pereyra, a character created by the Argentine comedian Roberto Fontanarrosa, in the 70s of the twentieth century. Born as a parody of Gauchesca literature, of radiotheater and of Argentine folklore, the renegau's trajectory retakes the sarmientina metaphor of civilization and barbarism, which crosses not only the History of this country, but also inscribes itself in all Latin America's political tradition. In this sense, through the comic of this gaucho, it is possible to rediscuss important issues that have marked the history of the Argentine Republic such as the oppositions between pampa and coast, unitary and federal, nationalism and cosmopolitanism, which composes the image of a divided nation. Moreover, the epopee experienced by the character allows us to resize the theme "two Argentinas". Considering that, this comic is transfixed by images related to the social imagination of this nation / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

Orientador: José Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T02:44:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Terlizzi_BrunoPassos_M.pdf: 2154224 bytes, checksum: 0fa6e9d74d1d2d360cece95777f03788 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Sendo inicialmente pensado pela "intelectualidade rosista", o conceito de americanismo surgiu como uma espécie de justificativa ideológica dentro do discurso político do governo Rosas, caracterizados pela ideia de que a luta da Confederação Argentina contra as potências européias era a luta pela preservação da própria independência do país, em que a causa argentina expressava diretamente a causa americana, decorrendo na criação de uma polarização em que os que estavam com Rosas eram partidários da causa americana e seus opositores, traidores da independência americana (MYERS 1995). É justamente nesse embate político pela definição do conceito de americanismo que tanto o discurso rosista como as obras políticas de Domingos F. Sarmiento (1811-1888) demonstram estratégias discursivas em torno da definição do conceito e sua utilização como linguagem política. Esta dissertação teve por finalidade analisar as ideias e as linguagens políticas utilizadas por Sarmiento em três obras de sua vasta produção: Facundo (1845), Viajes por Europa, África y América (1846-1847) e Argirópolis (1850). A partir daí, demonstrar as interações de seus modelos explicativos em relação ao seu contexto e à situação política da Confederação Argentina na primeira metade do século XIX, que foi caracterizada pelo período em que Juan Manoel de Rosas governou a província de Buenos Aires, estabelecendo uma paulatina hegemonia da província sobre o resto do país. Além disso, pretendeu-se evidenciar a maneira como o autor "disputou" com os polemistas que sustentavam o regime a definição do conceito de americanismo ou sistema americano, de modo a estabelecer pontos de contato com as concepções de soberania, legitimidade política, e republicanismo dentro dos projetos de nação que eram discutidos no calor das vicissitudes da história política argentina / Abstract: Initially being a concept thought by the rosista intellectuality, the americanismo emerged as an ideological justification inside the Rosas government political discourse, featured by the idea that the struggle of the Argentinean Confederation against the European forces was the fight to preserve the independence itself, and the Argentinean cause expressed the proper American cause, what incurred in a polarization between the Rosa's partisans and its opponents who were considered traitor of the political independence (MYERS 1995). It is right in the middle of this quarrel for the definition of the americanismo concept that both: the Rosas discourse and Domingos F. Sarmiento's (1811-1888) political writings shows their reasoning strategies around the concept and its usage as a political language. This essay has the aim in analyzing the ideas and the political languages used by Sarmiento in three of his wide writing collection: Facundo (1845), Viajes por Europa, África y American (1846-1847) and Argirópolis (1850). Moving forward, the next step is to demonstrate the interactions of his explanatory model towards his context and the political situation of the Argentinean Confederation during the first half of the 19th century, when Juan Manoel de Rosas ruled the Buenos Aires state and stablished a gradual hegemony over the whole country. Besides that, we tried to put in evidence the disputes between the writers that supported the Rosas government and Sarmiento among the concept of americanismo or sistema americano, and by establishing some contact point with other concepts such as sovereignty, political legitimacy and republicanism inside the debates occurred in the heat of the Argentinean political History / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

Orientador: José Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T21:13:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tolentino_MarcosOliveiraAmorim_M.pdf: 1842815 bytes, checksum: 0061fafe25fe110e75bd23cd14680a42 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta dissertação visa analisar as comemorações anuais em torno do episódio La noche de los lápices, entre os anos de 1990 e 1996. Tal episódio refere-se a uma série de procedimentos orientados à repressão do movimento estudantil secundarista, ocorridos entre 15 e 21 de setembro de 1976, na cidade de La Plata. Trata-se de um dos casos emblemáticos que se instauraram na memória coletiva da sociedade argentina no período da reconstrução democrática, acerca da violência e da repressão sistemática dos sete anos da mais recente ditadura civil-militar no país (1976-1983). O nosso objetivo é discutir as relações da sociedade e das instituições estatais argentinas com as memórias do episódio em questão, e consequentemente com o mais recente passado ditatorial, a partir da formação de circuitos de memórias nos quais discursos e práticas de rememoração garantem a permanência deste como um passado presente. Para tanto, utilizamos a documentação produzida e arquivada no Arquivo da antiga Dirección de Inteligencia de la Policía de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (DIPBA), serviço de inteligência que funcionou na Argentina entre os anos de 1956 e 1998. A nossa escolha permite mapear as diferentes iniciativas ocorridas anualmente no dia 16 de setembro, além de identificar os critérios que (re) significaram a elaboração de memórias em torno da data. A documentação em questão traz ao circuito de memórias um ator estatal, o órgão de vigilância política e social, e a necessidade de problematizarmos o seu funcionamento durante o período democrático que seguiu a mais recente ditadura civil-militar / Abstract: This dissertation analyses the annual commemoration of the episode La noche de los lápices, from 1990 to 1996. This episode refers to a series of procedures aimed at the repression of the sophomore student movement, occurred between 15 and 21 September 1976 in the city of La Plata. This is one of the emblematic cases which have consolidated in the collective memory of Argentine society in the period of democratic reconstruction, about violence and the systematic repression of the seven years of the most recent civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1976-1983).Our goal is to discuss the relations of society and Argentine state institutions with memories of the episode in question, and therefore with the most recent dictatorial past, from the formation of circuits in which memories discourses and practices of remembering guarantee the permanence of that as a last present. We used the documents produced and filed in the Archives of former Dirección de Inteligencia de la Policía de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (DIPBA), an intelligence service that worked in Argentina from 1956 to 1998. Our choice enables mapping the different initiatives that occur annually on the 16th of September, in addition to identifying the criteria that (re) mean the creation of memories about the date. The referred documents bring to the circuit of memories a new actor in this study, the national surveillance social policy. And most of all its necessary to question its operation during the democratic period that followed the latest civil-military dictatorship / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História