Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:13:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Arias Fogliano de Souza Cunha.pdf: 794570 bytes, checksum: 98b40bff7617c142ad5b4a0b8646ae85 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-15 / Intellectual property and its relation with the field of communication is the subject of this research. It is commonly accepted that intellectual property is a natural law in which the author of any creation of the mind has to the result of his or her labor. That law would ensure the author the exclusive enjoyment of the surplus value produce against any misappropriation (public or private). That particular view reduces intellectual property to something inherent in human nature and therefore removes any historical reality. Then we must ask: at what point did political stances towards intellectual property emerge? Which events indicate its birth? What are its effects? Intellectual property emerges as a social intervention technique in the precise moment that social communication becomes an issue for the government and for the State. In the first chapter we identify the genesis of intellectual property in the context of shaping European national states and of the rationality that gave life to it: the reason of State. Communication is treated as a government object, and the copyright is mobilized as a mechanism for monitoring and disciplining these communicative circuits. In the second chapter we expose the first major fold in the politics of intellectual property. With the advent of liberalism, the functions and mechanisms of government are transformed. That process directly affects the social effects of copyright. In that context copyrights works less as a technique for surveillance and punishment than as a device for control and security of the media market. In final chapter, we present the operating mode of contemporary intellectual property and its relationship with the dominant political philosophy of our day - neoliberalism. In the neoliberal form of government, intellectual property is reappropriated and thus assumes a role even more essential, paradoxical and complex. The main objective of this research is to unseat any discourse on intellectual property that assumes it is intrinsic to human nature. We justify our research posing the irreversible process of a global media community. In such an environment, intellectual property is elevated to the heart of today's political process. The theoretical framework is inspired by the courses of 1976, 77 and 78 given by Michel Foucault at the Collège de France. In addition, we have included authors that update the political thoughts of the French philosopher, among them: Lazzarato, Senellart, Hardt and Negri and others. Finally, we use the research work of a group of historians based at the University of Cambridge in which they inaugurated the academic discipline of the History of Intellectual Property / Esta pesquisa apresenta como objeto de estudo a propriedade intelectual e sua relação com o campo da comunicação. É comumente aceita a ideia de que a propriedade intelectual é um direito natural de que o autor de alguma criação intelectual imediatamente dispõe ao produzir sua obra. Esse direito garantiria ao criador o usufruto da mais-valia gerada contra qualquer apropriação indevida (pública ou privada). Essa visão essencializa a propriedade intelectual como inerente à natureza humana, retirando do conceito qualquer realidade histórica. Perguntamos: em que momento se pensou politicamente a propriedade intelectual? Quais acontecimentos remetem a sua gênese? Quais efeitos são engendrados? A propriedade intelectual emerge como técnica de intervenção política no instante em que a comunicação social passa a ser objeto de preocupação do governo e do Estado. No primeiro capítulo, identificamos a gênese da propriedade intelectual no contexto de conformação dos Estados nacionais europeus e da racionalidade que animou esse movimento, a razão de Estado. A comunicação social torna-se objeto de governo e para isso o copyright é mobilizado como o mecanismo de vigilância e disciplina desses fluxos comunicativos. No segundo capítulo, expomos a primeira grande dobra das políticas da propriedade intelectual. Com o advento dos liberalismos, as funções e dispositivos de governo são transformadas e isso afeta os efeitos sociais do copyright. Nesse contexto, ele funciona menos como técnica de vigilância e punição do que como dispositivo de controle e segurança do mercado da comunicação. No último capítulo, apresentamos o modo de operação da propriedade intelectual na contemporaneidade e sua relação com o atual pensamento dominante o neoliberalismo. A propriedade intelectual é reatualizada e assume função ainda mais primordial, paradoxal e complexa. O objetivo principal da pesquisa é destituir qualquer discurso sobre a propriedade intelectual que a essencialize como algo inerente ao humano. A justificativa da pesquisa está baseada no inescapável processo de consolidação e alongamento do mercado global da comunicação. Nesta conjuntura, a propriedade intelectual é reescalonada e inserida no cerne do processo político hodierno. A fundamentação teórica é inspirada nos cursos de 1976, 77 e 78 ministrados por Foucault, no Collège de France. Em complemento, mobilizamos autores que atualizam o pensamento do filósofo francês, como: Lazzarato, Senellart, Hardt e Negri, entre outros. Por fim, apropriamo-nos do trabalho do grupo de historiadores baseados na Universidade de Cambridge, cuja rica pesquisa inaugurou a disciplina História da Propriedade Intelectual

Les premiers miroirs des princes apparaissent dans le monde arabo-musulman au début du VIIIe siècle après J.-C, sous l’autorité de trois secrétaires de chancellerie, kuttāb : Sālim abū al-‛Alā, ‛Abd al-Ḥamīd ibn Yaḥia et ‛Abd-Allāh ibn al-Muqaffa‛. C’est à eux que l’on doit le discours premier de l’art de gouverner, dont l’étude permet de déterminer ce qui peut s’énoncer du politique, en cette période de transition du pouvoir des Omeyyades aux Abbassides. Après la contextualisation philosophique et philologique du discours des miroirs des princes proposée en première partie, la deuxième partie de cette recherche porte sur le gouvernement de soi et examine les pratiques de soi proposées au Prince, au travers de l’emploi rhétorique des fables et de la présentation d’exercices spirituels. La troisième partie aborde la situation du conseil politique : il s’agit de montrer que la tension des rapports de pouvoir entre le sage et le Prince n’annule pas la quête d’un dire-vrai, horizon idéal de la relation de conseil. Enfin, la quatrième partie examine les modalités du gouvernement des autres au travers de l’éthique de l’apparence exigée du Prince, de la typologie des gouvernements et des fonctions du souverain. Parmi ces dernières, la justice, tant distributive que corrective, et le soin, donnent lieu à des modèles spécifiques de gouvernement. Au terme de ce parcours, l’examen de la relation du Prince à ses auxiliaires choisis, ainsi que le modèle de vertu qu’il doit présenter à ses sujets, rendent manifeste la continuité qu’il y a entre le gouvernement de soi et le gouvernement des autres. Ce peuple dont il doit prendre soin doit aussi être séduit, par un gouvernement que l’on ne peut jamais véritablement qualifier de pastoral. / The first mirrors for princes appeared in the Arabo-muslim world at the beginning of the 8th century, under the authority of three secretaries of chancellery, kuttāb, namely Sālim abū al-‛Alā, ‛Abd al-Ḥamīd ibn Yaḥia and ‛Abd-Allāh ibn al-Muqaffa‛. By analyzing this early discourse about the art of government, we aim at determining what can be stated about politics in this transition period between the Umayyad and Abbassid dynasties. After first introducing the philosophical and philological background to this discourse (to the discourse of the mirrors for princes), we shall, in the second part of this study, focus on the government of the self and look into the practices that are suggested to the Prince through the rhetorical use of fables and presentation of spiritual exercises. The third part will deal with the situation of the political counsel, showing that the tension generated by the power relationship between the wise man and the Prince does not cancel the search for frank-speech, regarded as an ideal in the counselling relationship. The fourth part will finally examine the terms and conditions of the government of others by studying the ethic of appearance imposed upon the Prince, the typology of governments and the different duties expected of the sovereign, some which, such as justice, distributive and corrective, and care give rise to specific models of government. Our investigation on the relationship established between the Prince and his chosen assistants and on the model of virtue that he is required to embody for his subjects eventually reveals the obvious continuity between the government of the self and the government of others. The Prince must not only take charge of his people but also charm them by a government that can never be really qualified as pastoral.

The present study focuses on the Vindelälven-Juhttátahkka Biosphere Reserve (BR) in Northern Sweden, which serves as an implementation site of UNESCO’s Man and the Biosphere (MAB) programme. In response to a series of environmental and social problems identified in the specific locale, the area inhabited by both “Swedish” and “Sami” people, is designed to serve henceforth as a learning site for sustainable development. Taking Michel Foucault’s work on discourse and power as a reference point, in this study we analyze the discourse that permeates life in the specific milieu, to understand how power operates in the BR and look for resistance. Following Foucault’s theorization of discourse, the study has employed Foucauldian Discourse Analysis (F.D.A.) on the empirical material, gathered from official documents and interviews with people in the BR. Our research has concluded that by employing its scientific programme, UNESCO’s discourse has managed to a large extent to construct in this place a reality that does not allow a future to be imagined outside of the context of sustainable development. This study has found its participants to be influenced by UNESCO’s discourse and has constrained them from perceiving present or imagining future realities that do not sustain the power of the Swedish state under the global neoliberal rule. Lastly, our research has illustrated that the participants who have been found to respond to their experiences have also been found to resist the discourse permeating the BR.