Tyrimo rezultatai atskleidė mums ASEAN veiklos kryptis ir svarbą pačios organizacijos, kaip regioninio aktoriaus tarptautinėje sistemoje ir kaip organizacija atrodo regiono kontekste bei su kokiomis problemomis organizacija susiduria. Pastebima, jog organizacija stipriai veikia ekonomikos ir saugumo srityje regione, bendradarbiauja socialinės apsaugos ir plėtros, teisės ir kovos su nusikalstamumu, švietimo ir mokslo, kultūros ir informacijos bei aplinkos apsaugos srityse. Dėl to, kad organizacijos narės gali laikytis savo tikslų ir tuo pačiu turėdamos ASEAN tikslus organizacijos nariai dažnai nesilaiko savo daugiašalių įsipareigojimų ar įgyvendina kolektyvinius sprendimus, tai silpnina pačią organizaciją ir jos veiksnumą regione. / With the help of investigation we found out the policy of ASEAN, the importance of its existence as regional actor in international system, how the organization looks in region context and what problems it has to solve. We can affirm that this organization has a strong effect in the spheres of economy and security in the region; it collaborates in social protection and expansion, in law and prevention of crime, education, culture and information, also protection of environment. Organization‘s members reaching their own aims often break their transnational commitments and that is the reason for the suppression of the capability of ASEAN in the region.

東協憲章對於東南亞許多國家而言，代表著東協整合過程中的重要里程碑。自創立的四十一年來，東協終於產生了一部能使其實質成為「植基於規範和人民導向的」法律主體。 該憲章著實制定規範並賦予東協成員國和該組織法律人格，更重要的是，其標誌了「對於基本自由的尊重、人權的保護以及社會正義的提升」等原則。該憲章更呼籲一人權機構的肇建，俾使每一成員國恪遵憲章的規範。 然而，不幸的是，該憲章未能概括針對未遵守憲章原則規範會員國的制裁條款，且對於將賦予人權機構多少權力以制定規範亦懸而未決。而東協會員國遵行已久的「不干涉會員國內政」原則，更使此情況變得更加模糊難明。因此，本文將針對東協憲章及其所建立的區域治理模式進行分析，並探究東南亞國協區域治理下所面臨的矛盾與難題。 整體而言，新憲章中的各種建議、改革嘗試與區域整合方向儘管極具前瞻性；然而，若始終不願意清晰地面對東協區域內的各種實際問題，區域新憲的法律效力與規範能力，將備受質疑；甚至，亦將無助於區域共同體的實質建構。 關鍵詞：區域治理、東南亞國協、東協憲章 / It is true that for many in South East Asia, the ASEAN Charter is a milestone. For the first time in its 41-year existence, ASEAN has a constitution which can potentially lead it to be "a rule-based and people-oriented" legal entity. It even indeed sets out rules for the ASEAN members and gives the organization legal personality. More importantly, it enshrines the principles of "respect for fundamental freedoms, the promotion and protection of human rights and the promotion of social justice". It also calls for the establishment of a human rights body to ensure that every member state adheres to the Charter's principles. But, unfortunately the Charter fails to include a provision which would authorize sanctions for any member that does not comply with its rules and principles. And it remains unclear how much power will be granted to the human rights body in enforcing the principles. To make matters even more ambiguous, the Charter validates a long-held ASEAN principle that is the root cause of the organization's ineptitude in dealing firmly with its members — "non-interference in the internal affairs of ASEAN member states". As a result, the purpose of study is thus to analyze the ASEAN charter and its mode of regional governance, investigating the problems and contradictions of regional governance under the charter. All in all, though the suggestions, reforms and the orientation of regional integration of the new charter are extremely visionary, if the members are unwilling to face up the substantial problems in ASEAN region, the binding force of the regional new charter will be doubtful and even cannot be conducive to the forming of regional community. Keywords: Regional Governance, ASEAN, ASEAN Charter

This thesis seeks to evaluate the progress of regional community building in Southeast Asia, which has been undertaken by the Association of Southeast Asians (ASEAN). The thesis analyses the extent to which there has been a shift from policies and processes associated with “old regionalism” (state-security-economic centred regionalism) towards those which are associated with “new regionalism” and a regional community (the widening of regionalism to non-state actors, and expansion of regional cooperation into new areas, and regional solidarity). The first half of the thesis demonstrates the persistence of “old regionalism,” based on a tendency to differentiate others as an external security threat in Thailand's bilateral relations. This tendency is driven by a deeply embedded historical legacy of differentiation, which is pursued by state actors for domestic political interests, as well as on-going bilateral disputes, and a militarised border. The second half of the thesis tests the significance of “new regionalism,” based on three case studies on civil society participation in regional community building. These case studies demonstrate how “new regionalism” is significant in form, rather than in substance, and how progress in community building is mainly driven by the more democratic ASEAN member states. Visible progress in community building includes the emergence of ASEAN-CSO meetings, an ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), and a transnational civil society network (TCSN), which is increasing society's regional awareness and society's participation in regionalism. However, substantive progress is lacking, due to the region's political diversity and the prioritization of regional unity over the realization of a people-oriented ASEAN Community. Thus, ASEAN community building is empty in substance, due to the continuation of politically motivated differentiation and border insecurity, symbolic meetings between states and CSOs, a powerless regional human rights body, and the remaining gap between regional declarations and policy implementation.

This paper is focused on an analysis of current regionalism in Asia-Pacific region and on evaluation of creation of relatively wide and relatively deep regional integration. Possible benefits of this integration concept can be exemplified by development of Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) whose member states have substantially different interests due to historic and socioeconomic reasons. However, ASEAN was able to overcome these different interests by a specific integration model which is based on mutual trust, consensual decision-making and gradual changes. As a result, natural suspicions were eliminated to some extent and member states were able to deepen their integration. Main powers in the region noticed its success and they began to strive to develop closer relations not only with ASEAN, but also with other regional powers through ASEAN structure.

The main goal of the thesis is the analysis of regional integrations in developing Asia and their success. The thesis analyses the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, integrations of China with India, Republic of Korea, and Pakistan, and integrations of India with Republic of Korea and Indonesia.

This thesis focuses on five of the founding nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The countries are Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines (ASEAN5). Asset pricing for the ASEAN5 equity markets is the main focus of this thesis, although we also develop vector error correction models (VECM) for GDP, trade and local equity market returns for the ASEAN5. While this allows further analysis of the robustness of asset pricing models, it also facilitates study of the fundamental links that exist within these economies. The traditional CAPM and the four factor-model that include market, size, value and momentum effects (Fama and French, 1993; Carhart, 1997) are employed in testing the variation in size/book-to-market equity (size-BTME) and industry portfolio returns for these markets for the period from January 1990 to March 2006. Three macro factors as well as world excess returns are then added to the basic four-factor asset pricing model. These macro factors include unexpected GDP, unexpected total trade and unexpected equity market returns, which are derived from VECM or VAR estimates for ASEAN5 GDP, total trade and equity market returns. This model is referred to as the macro-factor model. The results suggest that the explanatory power of the four-factor model consistently exceeds those of the one-factor CAPM in explaining size-BTME and industry portfolio returns. Further, the macro-factor model analysis suggests that collectively, this model does not substantially improve the explanatory power of the basic four-factor model, suggesting that the variation in portfolio returns is mostly captured by the four-factor model. There is some cross-country variation in these results. Regardless, these macro factors − taken as a group or individually − are statistically significant, particularly for Thailand and Malaysia. In addition, the cointegration test results document evidence of long-run linkages for the equity markets within the ASEAN5. This is also true for GDP within the ASEAN5. In both cases, closer links prevail in the post-crisis period. This is not the case for trade where there is little consistent evidence of close links between the countries. Mixed results are found for different ASEAN5 trade measures where the linkages for total trade, import and exports vary substantially according to the selected period of study, whether full period, pre-crisis or post-crisis period.

No description available.

After the Cold War, international relationships changed from the Yalta System (emphasis on military alliance and arms race led by both superpowers the U.S. and the former Soviet Union) to the Malta System (emphasis on economic and security cooperation). Multilateral security cooperation mechanisms in the Asia Pacific were established one after another under the transition of the whole international circumstance. For purposes of maintaining regional stability, the PRC fully participates in the following meetings: ASEAN Regional Forum¡BThe Four Party Talks¡BAsia Europe Meeting¡BASEAN+3 Informal Summit¡BASEAN+1 Informal Summit¡BASEAN-China Dialogue Session¡BWorkshop on Managing Potential Conflicts in the South China Sea and Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific. It is a worthy issue to continuously observe whether these mechanisms can indeed shape China as a regional responsible member. On the other hand, we must question whether the PRC's participation is merely a tool that can help achieve other underlying purposes. Accordingly, this thesis will discuss two main subjects. Firstly, we will look into China¡¦s standpoints and strategies for participating in these Asia Pacific multilateral security mechanisms. Secondly, we will examine the Asia Pacific security strategies of the U.S., JAPAN, and ASEAN as well as their standpoints and strategies towards the PRC's participation in the Asia Pacific multilateral security mechanisms.

Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Edward A. Olsen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-105). Also available online.