No description available.

No description available.

The problem of climate change is the major challenge to the world community. However, the full world community still fails to find an adequate solution to this problem. In such a situation, the mutual efforts of plurilateral institutions, such as the G8+5, MEM (now MEF), APEC and APP are major drivers of the successful solution to the problem of climate change. This study examines these informal plurilateral institutions’ role, their effectiveness in policy creation and implementation, and their potential impact on global or regional climate governance to show that the APP and MEF have been effective in inducing climate action by their members. This paper applies an analytic framework of the six dimensions of global government developed by John J. Kirton. The development of environmental initiatives of six Asia-Pacific countries(the U.S., Canada, Japan, China, Korea and Russia) have been accompanied by the introduction of energy efficient technologies policies such as building and clean coal policies.

The problem of climate change is the major challenge to the world community. However, the full world community still fails to find an adequate solution to this problem. In such a situation, the mutual efforts of plurilateral institutions, such as the G8+5, MEM (now MEF), APEC and APP are major drivers of the successful solution to the problem of climate change. This study examines these informal plurilateral institutions’ role, their effectiveness in policy creation and implementation, and their potential impact on global or regional climate governance to show that the APP and MEF have been effective in inducing climate action by their members. This paper applies an analytic framework of the six dimensions of global government developed by John J. Kirton. The development of environmental initiatives of six Asia-Pacific countries(the U.S., Canada, Japan, China, Korea and Russia) have been accompanied by the introduction of energy efficient technologies policies such as building and clean coal policies.

Thesis (Ed.M.)--Boston University

No / An analysis of the geopolitics of Mongolia between the Great Powers of the Asia-Pacific.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Western Michigan University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-178).

Ng Hoi Lam. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-149). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ix / Acknowledgments --- p.xi / List of Abbreviations，Tables and Figures --- p.xii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Summit in Sino-American relations --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Magic Figure --- p.1 / Chapter - --- 30th Anniversary of Rapprochement between the US and China / Chapter 1.2 --- Puzzle --- p.3 / Chapter - --- The Central question / Chapter 1.3 --- Layout --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4 --- Argument --- p.6 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Linking the internal politics to decision-making process of foreign policy Rational model VS Power model in High politics --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1 --- What is a Summit? --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- Who is/ are the person(s) in-charge of foreign policy making process? --- p.11 / Chapter 2.3 --- Foreign Policy decision making model(s) / Chapter - --- Rationality model VS Power model --- p.16 / Chapter 2.4 --- Linking internal and external politics / Chapter - --- Two-level game instead of realism --- p.21 / Chapter 2.5 --- Value of summitry --- p.25 / Chapter - --- A photo-taking arena / Chapter - --- Symbolism or substance? / Chapter 2.6 --- Summitry in APEC --- p.32 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Methodology & Theoretical Framework: Summitry for settling legitimacy dilemma by two-level game --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- Focusing the subject --- p.34 / Chapter 3.2 --- Research Method and Data --- p.38 / Chapter 3.3 --- Nature of Sino-American relations --- p.39 / Chapter 3.4 --- Summitry under two-level game --- p.47 / Chapter 3.5 --- Pattern in APEC summits --- p.53 / Chapter 3.6 --- "Modeling in 3 'I's´ؤInternational, internal and individual" --- p.55 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- A Year of Presidential Elections: The case of 1996 --- p.61 / Chapter 4.1 --- Manila APEC --- p.61 / Chapter 4.2 --- Jiang's Taiwan Policy / Chapter - --- How did the 'Eight Points' work under internal politics --- p.62 / Behind the Third Strait Crisis / Repeating the same old tune / Chapter 4.3 --- Full embracement after APEC --- p.75 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- After Honeymoon Years: The case of 1999 --- p.78 / Chapter 5.1 --- Auckland APEC --- p.78 / Conflicts after the honeymoon: Old bottle with new wine / Chapter 5.2 --- Three Crises --- p.84 / A huge mistake´ؤupon mismatched timing / Missile on the Embassy / """Special State-to-State relationship""" / Chapter 5.3 --- """2As"" meetings´ؤplatform for saving face" --- p.90 / Chapter 5.4 --- Re-opening dialogue on WTO deals --- p.93 / Diplomat dead but diplomacy alive / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Starting a new Emperor: The case of 2001 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1 --- Shanghai APEC --- p.99 / New doctrine: A potential enemy or ally? / Chapter 6.2 --- Conflicts again --- p.101 / Fool's Day joke / The art of apology´ؤnegotiation involved / "Taiwan and Tibet´ؤ“internal affairs""" / Chapter 6.3 --- Warming in relation --- p.109 / Ardent summer / "Death of asylum, birth of hamlet" / Green House in Winter / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion´ؤJiang's 'Core' Consideration --- p.118 / Chapter 7.1 --- Era unlike Mao and Deng --- p.118 / Chapter 7.2 --- Lesson for Policy makers --- p.120 / Chapter 7.3 --- Contributions/ Implications --- p.122 / Chapter 7.4 --- Limitation --- p.123 / Appendix I Chronology --- p.125 / Append ix II Pew Research Center of People and the Press --- p.136 / Bibliography --- p.137

The focus of this thesis has been on the identification of the primary conditions that attract or deter multilateral interventions into internal conflicts in the Asia Pacific region. This thesis develops a framework which is applied to four cases of internal conflict to see what roles twenty-two structural and perceptual conditions have played in determining why multilateral intervention was initiated in two of the cases, and why multilateral intervention failed to be initiated in the other two cases. The research found that multilateral organizations will accept risks and costs associated with intervention if certain structural and perceptual conditions make intervention an attractive option. These conditions are, a favourable or significant international environment or international event(s), the consent of a sovereign state (even if it is induced), sustained and critical regional and international media coverage, a complete collapse of the state in conflict tainting it with the term 'failed state', a high probability of success, potential economic benefits, a humanitarian crisis (in respect of Unregulated Population Movements and genocide/politicide), the possibility of a clear exit strategy, and a self-interested Member State who can greatly subsidize an intervention. Multilateral non-interventions, on the contrary, are driven by a combination of a lack of sustained and critically analyzed media coverage on conflict issues and consequences, generally positive tactics and strategies adopted by disputants, conflicts of a long duration, the international environment, economic factors unfavourable to intervention, resistance levels to intervention or a failure to call for intervention, lack of any clear exit points, and an escalation phase. The importance of these conditions suggest that multilateral organizations are reluctant to take risks and costs when political will, for the collective and self, are not provoked. Consequently, particular structural and perceptual conditions trigger or influence political will. The analysis of four case studies (East Timor, Solomon Islands, Philippines (Moros), and West Papua) concludes that multilateral interventions will be the exception to the rule in the foreseeable future given the obvious selection bias evident in these policies, and the project questions the ad hoc determinants of current multilateral intervention policies.

Thesis (M.A.)--Saint Mary's University, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [133]-139).