Purpose - The purpose of this study is to explore how risks and costs can be reduced when working with incoterms in purchasing within the Asia-Pacific region. To fulfil this purpose, the following two research questions have been developed: 1. How does the case company currently work with incoterms when purchasing within the Asia-Pacific region? 2. How can risks and costs be reduced when working with incoterms when purchasing within the Asia-Pacific region? Method - Theories relevant for the study's purpose were collected through a literature study. To apply the theoretical framework to empirical data, a case study was conducted at a company. The empirical data was gathered through interviews and document studies. Findings - Use of the standard Incoterms 2010 is considered to be a good tool for reducing risks and costs when purchasing within the Asia-Pacific region, where risk management is a necessary complement. It is required that all employees working with incoterms have the right knowledge about the incoterms in order to use them correctly. The knowledge can be disseminated through the organisation by using knowledge management. It is also considered important to understand the differences between countries, in order to reduce the risk of misunderstanding. Contributions - The result of the study facilitates for companies who do not know how to work correctly with incoterms. The study contributes to decreasing the gap in theory regarding working with incoterms in the APAC region. It also facilitates for companies who do not know how to disseminate knowledge internally. Limitations - The case study was conducted at a company based in Thailand, which limited the ability to communicate, due to linguistic differences. Future research - It would be of interest to conduct an empirical study at other case companies of different sizes within the APAC region and in other trade regions. In addition, it would be interesting to study how internal courses about working with incoterms can be implemented in different types of organisations. Keywords - Incoterms 2010, APAC, Asia-Pacific, risk management, logistics costs in purchasing, knowledge management, relationship between risks and costs.

With the multiple globalization processes more and deeper Economic Integration in the world is being undertaken. The Asia-Pacific region has become the most dynamic and fast growing region in the world due to the rise of China, changing dramatically the way economic and political relations are conceived across the Pacific Ocean. Beijing’s new economic moves towards integration processes are sustained by the fact that China’s economy has become significantly intertwined with other regional economies over the past two decades. From this fact also arises the motivation of this research, which tries to analyze how China’s strategy regarding economic integration across the Pacific Ocean is being planned and developed, considering not only its economic, but especially its political implications and possible strategic motives. This last aspect constitutes the main purpose of this study. The hypothesis for this paper is based on the assumption that China is using its economic might as a means to enhance and expand its traditional sphere of influence in the Asia-Pacific region by achieving different kinds of trade arrangements. The ASEAN plus China FTA, together with the agreements between China and Australia, New Zealand and Chile are taken into account specifically; while some other possible future pacts are outlined as well. The methodological standpoint for the analysis is mainly built upon what is known as Political Economy, particularly its international or global strand, which helps to connect the world of politics and economics. The outcome for the question whether China is taking a leading role in regionalism just because of its growing need to coordinate and cooperate with other economies in order to keep its growth rate, or if it is also doing so because of its desire to enhance and further its traditional sphere of influence as a regional power; contemplates elements of both scenarios. The structure of this thesis consists of five chapters: (1) Scope of the Study, (2) Literature Review and Theoretical Framework, (3) A Political Analysis of an Economic Issue, (4) Main Outcomes and (5) Conclusions.

This study investigates journalistic representations and discursive constructions of memories of the Asia-Pacific War (1931-45) in three newspapers from three East Asian countries: Japan, China, and South Korea. These three countries have been having decades-long debates over how to interpret and recount what happened in East Asia during the war. Numerous people perished during the wars Japan waged in pursuit of its ambition to be a great Asian empire. The debates over war memories intensified during the past decade due to “memory politics” in the region. Among the many atrocities that have been the subject of international disputes, this study explores media discourses of three of the most heated controversies associated with the Asia-Pacific War: the Yasukuni Shrine controversy, the “Comfort Women” controversy, and the Japanese textbooks revisionism controversy. There are two theoretical groundings that support this study: “memory and politics,” and “journalistic discourses of memory.” Regarding memory and politics, this study approaches the topic from a collective/cultural memory perspective. In this regard, the three controversies over war memories were theoretically identified as sites of memory by which war memories were articulated and reinvented. As for the journalistic aspect, this study focuses on the cultural meanings of journalism and news. The cultural approach in journalistic study views texts as cultural artifacts that represent key values and meanings. Journalism plays a major role in creating, transmitting, and articulating memories. A critical discourse analysis was the primary method that was employed to investigate the discursive constructions of memory through news texts. An interpretive policy analysis was also conducted to examine official stances of the three countries with respect to war memories. The analysis has found that the three newspapers were agents of collective memory. They articulated the meanings of national memory based upon what they believed to be the most appropriate interpretations of their nations’ past. Political circumstances and ideological stances greatly influenced their coverage of war memories. Their coverage has shown that East Asia still lives under the shadow of the Asia-Pacific War that ended more than a half century ago. Memory has not been forgotten because it has been reinterpreted and reconstructed mirroring the national, social, political, and international climate. Situated at the center of such reproduction of memory, the three newspapers were also sites of memory. The three newspapers’ active involvement in the historical controversies exceeded what scholars described as common features of commemorative journalism. The controversies surrounding war memories and the newspapers’ construction of memory have shown that journalism is a cultural practice and that a cultural approach is necessary in journalism studies to gain a more holistic understanding of the representation of social events in the news.

Electronic Commerce (EC) / Electronic Business (EB) has been (and is expected to continue to be) a dynamic, rapidly evolving area of technology, requiring skilled people with up-to-date knowledge and skills. The global community has required (and still requires) tertiary academic programs to prepare and train these people quickly. In the late nineties, following a tidal wave of tertiary EC program development in the United States, new tertiary programs began to appear in the Asia-Pacific (AP) region to satisfy this need, over a very short period of time. This research project aims to examine whether the development and effectiveness of tertiary EC/EB educational programs can be enhanced through employing a particular marketing paradigm. Four regions - Australia, New Zealand, Hong Kong SAR and the Republic of Singapore — were selected from the AP region, for this study. Based on a review of marketing literature, an inductive approach is adopted to build a model for new educational service product offerings. I also provide a description and comprehensive analysis of EC/EB education, and explore the model empirically, examining how it applies to the way EC education programs have been developed, to date. Essentially, this project consists of two major activities: theory building and theory testing – and is divided into three parts. Part 1: Preliminary study – literature review for theory building. This section of the thesis provides a literature review of the domains of curriculum development, EC/EB program development and management, EC/EB component models and new service product development. Part 2 : Understanding the marketplace – quantitative analysis. This section comprises five major surveys which provide an understanding of EC/EB education. Part 3 : In-depth analysis – qualitative research for theory testing. This section discusses the results of the multiple case studies of EC/EB degree programs undertaken over a five year period. The results of this project highlight both theoretical and practical aspects of the topic. In terms of the theoretical aspect, I provide a contribution to existing theory concerning the planning and development of new tertiary education programs. Research into academic course development in the past has tended to assume that all program development is pedagogically based and influenced. There is an assumption that people only develop academic programs and academic courses for pedagogic reasons. What this research project has done is to suggest that there are, in fact, many possible reasons for developing new programs and that, although these reasons might be pedagogic in nature, they can also be industry-focased, and market-oriented in the following ways: -the university is shaping the way it is perceived by the public – that is, the market; -the university is highlighting where its expertise lies. This led me to a form of new service product development consistent with the new image of the university. There is a clear need for diverse models for program development which accommodate the dynamic roles of modern universities. My research project develops such a model based on conditions in the Asia-Pacific region, and discusses findings arising from the overall project, which can be used to improve new educational program offerings in future, in both the Asia-Pacific and, I suggest, in other regions. This potential use of my findings highlights the practical contribution made by the research Project.

布希政府執政期間（一九八九～一九九二），在國際上正逢冷戰結束、兩德統一、東歐巨變，蘇聯解體等極具轉折性的變化，過去兩極體系之下僵化的外交政策已不能適應新的局勢，再加上美國國內經濟不景氣，輿論對於振興經濟的要求也日益高漲，所以布希政府勢必調整以往過多的海外軍事承諾及經濟實力日益雄厚的東協各國加強經貿關係。 　　本論文的第一章旨在闡明研究動機、目的、研究的範圍、架構、方法，以及研究期間所遭遇的困難及限制；第二章則回顧過去美國針對東協在政治、經濟、安全各方面的政策，其中七○年代的越戰是美國參與東南亞事務的轉折點，在越戰之前，美國全力介入東南亞以圍者共產勢力的擴張，而越戰過後，東南亞地區曾經是美國不願碰觸的傷痛，直到雷根政府時期，美國才又致力與東協發展全面性的關係。 　　第三章由安全層面探討布希政府的東協政策，國防預算的撙節加上蘇聯威脅的降低，促使美國減少亞太前進部署兵力的時機成熟，加上菲律賓的民族主義高漲，使美國不得不撤出其在菲國的軍事基地。不過，儘管美國逐漸從東南亞地區撤出，但其仍是東協國家企盼留下來維持區域安定的一股力量，美國也不斷強調其身為一個太平洋國家，勢力繼續留在亞太地區的誓言絕不改變。 　　第四章則由經濟層面切入探討美國的經濟困境會促使布希政府對經貿政策做出何種改革，而這些改革又會給東協國家帶來怎樣的影響。美國強調APEC在亞太地區的作用，而且極力反對東協提倡EAEC將美摒除在外，看來雙方在加強經貿關係的同時，競爭與摩擦也會隨之增加，需要睿智的領導者共同努力化解。 　　第五章則探討東協未來的角色。東協各國在冷戰結束之後，掙脫兩極體系下的束縛，更能在經貿方面全力衝刺，逐漸發展出一股傲人的實力，也因此更增加了自信心在政治、人權方面選擇自己的判斷標準，美國在面臨這種新的轉變時，必須在舊的互動模式瓦解，新的規則又尚未完全建立之時，努力尋求彼此之間的共識，加強良性的互動。 　　第六章結論總結了本論文所探討之議題，釐清一條明確的布希政府對東協之政策走勢，並希望藉此能概略地指出柯林頓政府努力的方向。

International trust is a perception about how people can trust other nations, it can also be an explanation for people¡¦s perception about the nature of international environment. The study shows that when people have higher levels of international trust, they are more optimistic about the nature of international environment¡Fon the contrary, people are more pessimistic about the nature of international environment. There are many variables that can influence international trust, and political trust is one of the most influential. Therefore, I try to analyze international trust and political trust in Taiwan through telephone interviews and intend to testify my hypotheses. Furthermore, I will make international trust a standard for people¡¦s attitude towards foreign aids in order to respond to revisionists¡¦ point of view. Thus, we can prove that people surely can form their own information shortcut and express their own feelings without the suggestion of political elites.

Abstract With the rapid growth of economy, the People's Republic of China plays an important role in the global community since the reform and opening up in 1978. With the rising of China, China changes its view of the world. Under the concept of ¡§Five Principles¡¨, China changes its policy from ¡§tao guang yang hui¡¨ to peaceful rise and peaceful development. The study uses the approach of geopolitics to discuss the relationship between geography and strategy, geography is the foundation of national safety strategy, existence and development. Napoleon Bonaparte has said when you understand the geography of one nation, you can understand its foreign policy. The study uses the concept of China¡¦s peaceful rising to discuss the influences to other nations in Asia Pacific region including south and north Korea, Russia, Japan, Taiwan and ASEAN. By the way, after 911 Terrorist Attack, America changes its China policy and cooperates with China, China also improves it relationship with America at the same time. China¡¦s peaceful rising no doubt would influence the interests of America in Asia Pacific region, therefore, the study focuses on how would America face the situation of China¡¦s peaceful rising. On the early days of cold war, because of Taiwan¡¦s special geographical position, Taiwan became the foundation of America¡¦s deterrence theory. After the cold war, with the change of America¡¦s global strategy and the end of Vietnam war, Taiwan became less important. Besides, the hegemony of America is weaken in the end of cold war, China tries to become the superpower of Asia Pacific region with the concept of peaceful raising. To Taiwan, the rise of China will limit the development of Taiwan, Taiwan needs to consider the growth and decline of America and China in the future.

The purpose of this study is to analyze and discuss Russia&rsquo / s Asia-Pacific policy after the end of the Cold War by focusing on Moscow&rsquo / s bilateral relations with the major regional countries and its overall multilateral approach and policies towards the Asia-Pacific region. Contrary to the views of scholars who claim that Russia has already emerged as a major power in the Asia-Pacific, the thesis argues that Russia&rsquo / s strategy of becoming a great power in the Asia-Pacific Region has significant limitations stemming from its competitive and assertive policies that ignore the role of multilateralism and international cooperation. Although Russia has been actively engaged in the region at the bilateral level and through its participation in the regional organizations in the post-Cold war era, this region has its own particular dynamics which necessitate a greater level of regional economic integration and a liberal approach to multilateralism rather than a realist &ldquo / power politics&rdquo / approach. Russia&rsquo / s policy of aligning itself with China militarily in the region has counterproductive consequences as it intensifies geopolitical competition in the region, and marginalizes Moscow further. The thesis is composed of six chapters. After the introduction, the second chapter examines origins of Russia&rsquo / s presence in the Asia-Pacific Region. The following chapter discusses the sources of Russia&rsquo / s increasing interest in the Region. The fourth chapter is concerned with Russia&rsquo / s relations with main actors of the Asia-Pacific Region while the fifth chapter focuses on Russia&rsquo / s involvement in theregional organizations. The last chapter is the conclusion.

The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights.

This thesis employs a rights-based approach to evaluate the effectiveness of European Union (EU) external action policy formation and subsequent measures to protect children in a disaster risk context, in the Asia Pacific. Advances in human rights discourse and humanitarian responsibilities have led to a review of the concept of protection, and how it is applied in humanitarian and development assistance. Indeed, a rights-based approach to donorship centres on the obligations of duty bearers to uphold the rights of those at risk when carrying out humanitarian and development assistance, while ensuring implementation practices are accountable and transparent, to maximise donorship effectiveness. The fundamental components of upholding human rights, and reducing vulnerability, are intrinsic to the model of human security. Human security therefore assists in the analysis of protectionism through the embedded methodology of lexis-praxis where humanitarian and development policy formation, or lexis, and subsequent implementation channels, or praxis, contribute towards the measurement of the effectiveness of donor partnerships to implement disaster risk reduction programming (DRR), as a foreign policy objective. The EU is an excellent case study for the analysis of cohesion in policy implementation and an evaluation of the potential need for the harmonisation of lexis in policy formation. Harmonisation of policy lexis and policy formation will lead to coherence in praxis, or the implementation measures of the EU and Member States to enact policy obligations. To explore this notion further, this research employs a rights-based approach to analyse EU and Member State policy and practice, in the goal of upholding child rights, and reducing child risks, as part of donorship responsibilities. In addition, partner roles, responsibilities, and actions in the Asia Pacific, add another layer of analysis to review DRR policy and practice both regionally and in-country.