Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Queensland, 2006. / Includes bibliography.

Submitted by PAULO DANIEL WATANABE null (p.daniel.w@uol.com.br) on 2016-03-16T16:54:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 WATANABE_TESE FINAL.pdf: 1848396 bytes, checksum: 2f95961ad7f58e48f1bc7aa90b49cab6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-03-18T13:49:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 watanabe_pd_dr_mar.pdf: 1848396 bytes, checksum: 2f95961ad7f58e48f1bc7aa90b49cab6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-18T13:49:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 watanabe_pd_dr_mar.pdf: 1848396 bytes, checksum: 2f95961ad7f58e48f1bc7aa90b49cab6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / A forma pela qual se reinseriu o Japão após sua derrota na Segunda Guerra Mundial faz do Arquipélago um modelo único nas relações internacionais. Com o fim do Império Nipônico, o Japão sofreu diversas mudanças que tiveram impacto na Política Externa japonesa ao longo de mais de 50 anos. Após reaver sua soberania em 1952, e por ser constitucionalmente proibido de manter Forças Armadas, o país formulou sua Política Externa e de Defesa tendo como o pilar principal os Estados Unidos da América, em uma posição de subordinação, como um “free rider”. Esperava-se, contudo, que tal condição não duraria por muito tempo. Previa-se que o Arquipélago se transformaria em uma potência militar assim que se transformasse em uma potência econômica. Até o final do século XX, o Japão não conseguiu atingir o status que lhe era previsto. Entretanto, a partir de 2001, o país ingressou-se em uma política revisionista, o que mudou conceitos, teorias e características que permeavam a Política Externa japonesa. O Japão decidiu mudar seu comportamento em Defesa, o que foi bem visto pelos EUA. A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a Política de Defesa do Japão e suas principais mudanças na primeira década do século XXI. / The way Japan entered the international community after its defeat in World War II makes it a unique model in the international relations. After the end of the Japanese Empire, Japan has gone through many changes that impacted its foreign policy during the next 50 years. After restoring its sovereignty in 1952 and under a constitutional ban on any armed forces, Japan formulated its foreign and defense policy centered in the US, under a subordinated role, as a free rider. It was expected, however, that such condition would not last for a long time. It was expected that Japan would turn into a military power after being a economic power. At the end of the 20th century, Japan did not reach the role that was foreseen. Nevertheless, from 2001 on, Japan started a revisionist policy, which has changed concepts, theories and characteristics that described the Japanese foreign policy. Japan then decided to change its behavior in defense and it was welcomed by the US. This thesis analyses the defense policy of Japan and its main changes during the first decade of the 21st century.

Background: Today the world is getting more globalized, which has led to multinational companies sending out expatriates on foreign assignments. Mostly expatriates’ responsibilities are to transfer knowledge from the headquarters to the subsidiary and to improve the communication between the headquarters and the subsidiary. Expatriate assignments have a high failure rate and are costly. Nordic companies are sending out a growing number of expatriates today. Furthermore, Swedish people are argued to be comfortable acting in a global context. Problem: When the expatriate moves to a new country, it is crucial for him or her to adjust in order for the expatriate assignment to become successful. Good expatriate adjustment is likely to lead to completing the assignment as well as performing well during the assignment. Existing research in the field states that there is need for more research about expatriate adjustment. Furthermore, few researches have been conducted about Swedish expatriates, and research conducted about expatriates from other nations might not apply to Swedish expatriates. Purpose: Considering the increased globalization and the growing number of expatriates, along with the research gap and the complex adjustment process, the purpose of this thesis is to examine which factors influence the adjustment process of Swedish expatriates going to East Asia Pacific. Method: Exploratory research was used to explore the factors influencing the adjustment process of Swedish expatriates who went to East Asia Pacific. With an abductive approach deeper knowledge about the adjustment process was gained. Empirical data was collected through a qualitative research consisting of eight in-depth interviews, which was analyzed by making use of qualitative content analysis method. Conclusion: The major conclusion of this research is that factors influencing Swedish expatriates’ work, general, and interaction adjustment in East Asia Pacific are cross-cultural training, language ability, adjustment of the spouse, and role clarity.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-14T19:04:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Ahmina Raiara Solsona Oliveira.pdf: 1607697 bytes, checksum: 4d8736991ad9325076c18ee09c304683 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-14T19:04:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Ahmina Raiara Solsona Oliveira.pdf: 1607697 bytes, checksum: 4d8736991ad9325076c18ee09c304683 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-01 / CAPES / The Asian presence is constant in cyber conflicts and theses countries are appearing as victims or alleged perpetrators. The high rate of participation in such models of war, added to the fact that countries like Russia, China, India, Japan, Pakistan and the Koreas are considered by the Pentagon as possessor of a cyber-army makes feasible the possibility of strong involvement and Asian commitment to the development of cyber capabilities in the region. Despite the strong technological gap between the states of the Asian Pacific, common threats fostered cooperation and united the continent in search for cybersecurity in the region. Therefore, this master's thesis aims to show the Asian commitment to the regional cyber development and the Chinese use of cyberspace as an extension of its national strategic thinking. The methodology is qualitative, with the case study method applied to China. This academic work is organized in three chapters, plus introduction and closing remarks. The first chapter has concepts and definitions we need to understand the discussions surrounding cyber terms. The second chapter sets out some of the cyber conflicts with Asian participation and highlights three Asian organizations working in pursuit of regional cybersecurity. The third chapter expresses the Chinese perception of cyber warfare, explains the use of cyberspace as a strategic tool for its military and economic development, and reveals their actions in order to prepare for the Cyber Age. The main result of this work has been that the Asian Pacific region is gradually getting involved in cyber conflicts and committing to cooperation for a common cyber security – including through the development of measuring tools for the cyber maturity – and that China sees in cyber warfare the possibility to block out impositions by militarily stronger powers and, through technology transfer, to achieve a military level similar to that of the great powers. / A presença asiática se faz constante nos conflitos cibernéticos com seus países aparecendo como vítimas ou supostos responsáveis. O alto índice de participação em tais modelos de guerra, somado ao fato de países como Rússia, China, Índia, Japão, Paquistão e as Coreias serem considerados possuidores de exército cibernético pelo Pentágono, torna fatível a hipótese de forte envolvimento e compromisso asiático com o desenvolvimento das suas capacidades cibernéticas. Apesar da grande discrepância tecnológica entre os Estados do pacífico asiático, as ameaças comuns fomentaram a cooperação e uniram o continente em busca da sua segurança cibernética. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo explicitar o compromisso asiático com o desenvolvimento cibernético regional e a utilização sínica do espaço cibernético como extensão de seu pensamento estratégico nacional. A metodologia utilizada foi de natureza qualitativa, acrescida do método de estudo de caso aplicado à China. O trabalho está organizado em três capítulos, além de introdução e considerações finais. O primeiro capítulo traz conceitos e definições necessários à compreensão das discussões que circundam o termo cibernético. O segundo capítulo expõe alguns dos conflitos cibernéticos com participação asiática e evidencia três organizações asiáticas que trabalham em busca da segurança cibernética regional. O terceiro capítulo expressa a percepção sínica sobre a guerra cibernética, explica a utilização do espaço cibernético como ferramenta estratégica para seu desenvolvimento militar e econômico e revela suas ações de modo a se preparar para a Era Cibernética. Como resultado principal deste trabalho tem-se que a região pacífico asiática vem gradualmente se envolvendo em conflitos cibernéticos e se comprometendo com a cooperação por uma segurança cibernética comum – inclusive através da elaboração de instrumentos medidores de maturidade cibernética – e que a China vê na guerra cibernética a possibilidade de frustrar ações imperativas por parte de potências militarmente mais fortes e de, por meio da transferência tecnológica, alcançar nível militar similar ao das grandes potências.

This thesis deals with interests of Japan, Australia and New Zealand in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). The basis is an analysis of economic position of the APEC and of the three countries within the APEC and characteristics of the organisation. The thesis deals with the security and economic interests of the three countries in the Asia-Pacific area that implicate their interests in APEC.

This thesis proposes a new perspective on Malaysian Chinese studies by exploring issues of identity formation refracted through the lens of contestations of war memory, communal history and state-sponsored national history. In multiethnic Malaysia, despite persistent nation-building programs towards inculcating a shared Malaysian national identity, the question as to whether the Chinese are foremost Chinese or Malaysian remains at the heart of Malaysian socio-political debates. Existing scholarship on the Malaysian Chinese is often framed within post-independent development discourses, inevitably juxtaposing the Chinese minority condition against Malay political and cultural supremacy. Similarly, explorations of war memory and history echo familiar Malay-Chinese, dominant-marginalised or national-communal binary tropes. This thesis reveals that prevailing contestations of memory and history are, at their core, struggles for cultural inclusion and belonging. It further maps the overlapping intersections between individual (personal/familial), communal and official histories in the shaping of Malaysian Chinese identities. In tracing the historical trajectory of this community from migrants to its current status as ‘not-quite-citizens,’ the thesis references a longue durée perspective to expose the motif of Otherness embedded within Chinese experience. The distinctiveness of the Japanese occupation of British Malaya between 1941-1945 is prioritised as a historical watershed which compounded the Chinese as a distinct and separate Other. This historical period has also perpetuated simplifying myths of Malay collaboration and Chinese victimhood; these continue to cast their shadows over interethnic relations and influence Chinese representations of self within Malaysian society. In the interstices between Malay-centric national history and marginalised Chinese war memory lie war memory silences. These silences reveal that obfuscation of Malaysia’s wartime past is not only the purview of the state; Chinese complicity is evident in memory-work which selectively (mis)remembers, rejects and rehabilitates war memory. In excavating these silences, the hitherto unexplored issue of intergenerational memory transmission is addressed to discern how reverberations of the wartime past may colour Chinese self-image in the present. The thesis further demonstrates that the marginalisation of Chinese war memory from official historiography complicates the ongoing project of reconciling the Malaysian Chinese to a Malay-dominated nationalist dogma.

The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第22024号 / 法博第236号 / 新制||法||166(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 中西 寛, 教授 鈴木 基史, 教授 島田 幸典 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

The thesis seeks to examine the development of the US-Japan, US-South Korea, and US- Australia alliances, during the implementation of the rebalance to Asia policy under the Obama administration. It discusses the application of three major international relations theories, realism, liberalism, and constructivism, in studying the causes and effects that resulted in different outcomes across the three dyads, from security, economic, and cultural perspectives. To establish a causal relationship, the thesis employs a qualitative case study method, controlled comparison, to test the theories and identify the factors that play a decisive role in determining the differences. It then concludes that between the three alliances, it was the rational choice of policymakers, focused on state survival and economic interests, that influenced state behaviour in cross-border relationships. The US alliances in Asia-Pacific have been operating mainly on pragmatic foundations and principles, to serve strategic purposes, and have little to do with normative, ideational factors. Keywords Asia-Pacific, alliance, economic interdependence, foreign policy, hegemony, national identity, rebalance, security threat

Pivot or Rebalance to Asia-Pacific is a foreign policy launched by the Obama administration at the end of 2011. The essence of the Pivot is that the U.S. recognizes Asia-Pacific as the most dynamic and fastest growing region in the world that will decide the future of global politics and that the U.S. - as a Pacific power - is going to be right at the center of the action. The policy is best described as a set of initiatives ranging from strengthening the U.S. bilateral ties in the area and rebalancing some of the U.S. military assets form other theatres Asia- Pacific to engaging the regional multilateral organizations and negotiating new trade deals - especially the Trans-Pacific Partnership - to foster the regional prosperity. The Pivot to Asia policy, is however, quite controversial as while it is welcome by some Asian countries, it is criticized by China that sees it as an attempt to contain its rise. The policy has now been in place for almost three years. It has evolved since its launch to be less conflictual towards China, however amid the continuing Chinese disputes with its neighbors over the maritime claims at China`s maritime periphery, some observers still question the efficiency of the policy. Moreover, with the continued defense budget cuts, many question that the U.S. is going to be...