O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir a ascensão internacional da China e suas relações com a Índia e os EUA. O argumento central é o de que a China está se tornando o centro gravitacional da ÁsiaPacífico, região que está assumindo a dianteira na 3ª Revolução Industrial, e, por sua vez, do processo de transição em curso no sistema mundial. A ascensão da China é parte de um longo ciclo de incorporação do país ao moderno sistema mundial, que inicialmente se processou de forma subordinada, por intermédio das Guerras do Ópio, mas vem assumindo notável importância após a Revolução e as Reformas. Com as Reformas a China vai criando as condições objetivas, internas e internacionais, para transformarse em um Estadopivô, catalisando as dinâmicas regionais da ÁsiaPacífico e projetandose globalmente. Assim, a aproximação da China com os EUA, nos anos 1970, transformase no núcleo do rearranjo de poder mundial. Nesse rearranjo de poder tanto regional quanto global, a Índia tem crescente relevância, pois pode influenciar decisivamente a ascensão da China e da ÁsiaPacífico, assim como a recolocação dos EUA no sistema mundial. Por isso, a dinâmica triangular China, EUA e Índia contém parte importante das respostas relativas aos novos pólos emergentes no espaço mundial e ao grau de conflitividade que esta transição pode produzir. / The purpose of this work is to discuss the international ascension of China and its relationship with India and USA.The main argument of this text is that China has becoming the gravitational center of PacificAsia, region wich is assuming the front in the third industrial revolution and, considering this, also the transition process in operation in the worldwide system that in a early moment was processed by China in a subordinate form (as seen through Opiun War), but wich has assuming a remarkable importance after the revolution and the reforms. By these reforms, China creates the objective condition, inside the country and internationaly, to transform itself in a Pivot State, catalysing the regional dynamics of AsiaPacific and projecting itself in the globe. Then, the aproximation between China and USA, in the 1970s, has increasing its significance, cause it may influence in a decisive way the rising of China and the AsiaPacific, beside of the replacement of USA in the worldwide sistem. The triangular dinamics of China, USA and India contains an important part of the answers relative to the new rising poles in the worldwide system and to the level of conflict wich this transition might produce.

O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir a ascensão internacional da China e suas relações com a Índia e os EUA. O argumento central é o de que a China está se tornando o centro gravitacional da ÁsiaPacífico, região que está assumindo a dianteira na 3ª Revolução Industrial, e, por sua vez, do processo de transição em curso no sistema mundial. A ascensão da China é parte de um longo ciclo de incorporação do país ao moderno sistema mundial, que inicialmente se processou de forma subordinada, por intermédio das Guerras do Ópio, mas vem assumindo notável importância após a Revolução e as Reformas. Com as Reformas a China vai criando as condições objetivas, internas e internacionais, para transformarse em um Estadopivô, catalisando as dinâmicas regionais da ÁsiaPacífico e projetandose globalmente. Assim, a aproximação da China com os EUA, nos anos 1970, transformase no núcleo do rearranjo de poder mundial. Nesse rearranjo de poder tanto regional quanto global, a Índia tem crescente relevância, pois pode influenciar decisivamente a ascensão da China e da ÁsiaPacífico, assim como a recolocação dos EUA no sistema mundial. Por isso, a dinâmica triangular China, EUA e Índia contém parte importante das respostas relativas aos novos pólos emergentes no espaço mundial e ao grau de conflitividade que esta transição pode produzir. / The purpose of this work is to discuss the international ascension of China and its relationship with India and USA.The main argument of this text is that China has becoming the gravitational center of PacificAsia, region wich is assuming the front in the third industrial revolution and, considering this, also the transition process in operation in the worldwide system that in a early moment was processed by China in a subordinate form (as seen through Opiun War), but wich has assuming a remarkable importance after the revolution and the reforms. By these reforms, China creates the objective condition, inside the country and internationaly, to transform itself in a Pivot State, catalysing the regional dynamics of AsiaPacific and projecting itself in the globe. Then, the aproximation between China and USA, in the 1970s, has increasing its significance, cause it may influence in a decisive way the rising of China and the AsiaPacific, beside of the replacement of USA in the worldwide sistem. The triangular dinamics of China, USA and India contains an important part of the answers relative to the new rising poles in the worldwide system and to the level of conflict wich this transition might produce.

Cette thèse a été réalisée avec le soutien financier du Conseil de recherche en sciences humaines, du Conseil des relations internationales de Montréal (CORIM), du Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture, du Centre d’études et de recherches internationales de l’Université de Montréal (CÉRIUM), du Département de science politique et du Groupe Banque TD. / L’établissement formel d’une communauté ASEAN le 31 décembre 2015 marque une étape charnière pour une organisation dont la résilience dans le temps demeure à bien des égards une énigme pour la théorie des Relations internationales. Les approches dominantes peinent à expliquer la position malaisée dans laquelle l’Association des Nations d’Asie du Sud-Est se trouve depuis le tournant du 21e siècle, quelque part entre inertie et changement. Si le débat de longue date sur le statut de l’ASEAN comme « communauté de sécurité » reste pleinement d’actualité, cela n’a pas empêché l’organisation de se saisir de cet objectif tout en adaptant son sens en pratique. L’approche de l’ASEAN combine aujourd’hui trois objectifs : fournir les conditions de la paix entre les États de la région; répondre aux menaces transnationales et non militaires à la sécurité; et contribuer à l’accroissement de la sécurité, du bien-être et de la dignité des populations d’Asie du Sud-Est par le biais d’une communauté « axée sur le peuple » (people-oriented, people-centered). Ainsi, la façon dont l’ASEAN définit son rôle et, a fortiori, son identité comme organisation de sécurité régionale se distingue significativement de la définition conventionnelle d’une communauté de sécurité. La thèse propose d’envisager l’ASEAN comme une « communauté de discours », afin de fournir une explication novatrice à sa résilience au 21e siècle. Elle met en lumière la coexistence d’interprétations divergentes de la sécurité régionale dans le contexte de l’ASEAN, et s’intéresse aux effets de cette polysémie sur l’articulation de l’identité de l’organisation et sa performance comme communauté de sécurité en devenir. / The formal establishment of an ASEAN Community on December 31st, 2015 marks an important milestone for an organization whose resilience through time has continuously mystified International Relations Theory. Dominant IR approaches still struggle with explaining the awkward position, somewhere between inertia and change, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations finds itself in since the turn of the 21st century. While the longstanding debate on the status of ASEAN as a “security community” still continues unabated today, this has not prevented the organization from claiming this objective for itself, while considerably adapting its meaning in practice. ASEAN’s approach to regional security can be seen as combining three broad objectives: providing the conditions for peace among regional states; responding effectively to non-military and transnational threats to security; and contributing to the enhancement of the security, well-being, and dignity of the peoples of Southeast Asia through a people-oriented, people-centered approach. Therefore, the way ASEAN defines its role and, more importantly, its identity as a regional security organization departs in significant ways from the conventional definition of “security community”. This study offers a new explanation of the organization’s resilience in the 21st century by treating ASEAN as a “community of discourse”. The following pages highlight the coexistence of divergent interpretations of regional security in the context of ASEAN, and focuses on the effects of this polysemy on the articulation of the organization’s identity, and its performance as a security community in the making.

This thesis concerns the development of trilateral strategic partnership between Australia, Japan and the United States and its implications for the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region. For over half a century, the predominant means for organizing security cooperation in this region has been through the creation and maintenance of bilateral defence arrangements. In response to changing international conditions, including the rise of China and nontraditional security threats, US strategic thinking has begun to look beyond the traditional model of US-led bilateral alliances in the Asia-Pacific. The emerging Australia- Japan-US security cooperation in the form of Trilateral Security Dialogue, established in 2002 and elevated to a ministerial-level Strategic Dialogue in 2005, indicates that the three allies have strengthened their ties and expanded their cooperation to build a more integrated and cohesive trilateral response to joint regional concerns.

Работа посвящена анализу динамики развития двусторонних взаимоотношений между Японией и Социалистической Республикой Вьетнам в начале XXI в. На основе широкого круга источников и литературы, включая двусторонние документы, вьетнамские и японские средства массовой информации, а также актуальные публикации российских и зарубежных исследователей, определяются основные направления отношений, особенности и результаты сотрудничества. Подчеркивается важное место вьетнамско-японского взаимодействия в системе безопасности в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе и ценность сотрудничества для обоих партнеров, невзирая на проблемы. / The author analyses the development of bilateral relations between Japan and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in the beginning of the 21st century. A wide range of primary and secondary sources is used, including diplomatic documents, Vietnamese and Japanese mass media, and research publications of experts from different countries of the world. The work systematizes the basic aspects of bilateral relations, defines their specific features and results. The important role of relations between Vietnam and Japan in the system of international relations in Asia-Pacific is emphasized, as well as its significance for both partners, in spite of various problems.

立足台灣，前瞻兩岸，放眼全球已經不再是台灣企業的未來策略方針了，而是台灣企業已陸續進入目標市場，進行開發和建立成長的階段中。近年來，全球貿易經濟加速全球化，跨國企業無不把握市場脈動，提早卡位捷足先登。台灣的企業也由製造、貿易、行銷到服務的轉型過程，提升自有品牌的附加價值，以便在握有許多產品的供應鏈優勢上，建造一條更順利又長遠的成長到路。尤其在高科技的資通訊產品，台灣有具有重要的全球地位。從代工到研發創新的轉變，使台灣的品牌，在激烈的全球化競爭下，已漸漸戴上的一道光環，那就是市場價值。 當進入到世界市場的行銷競爭時，如何掌握客戶的行為模式，達成最佳的產品最終使用者滿意度，往往過去都將焦點注目於消費性產品的市場研究居多，較少投入產業性產品與服務的研究，而對於以資通訊產品占出口相當大比例的台灣廠商，若能進一步研究探討各國產業市場的行為模式，相信對於產品的研發設計有所助益，並將擴大在全球市場的成長機會。 在拓展全球市場的同時，如何在起步較晚的狀況下，超越歐美、日本的國際企業，開創出新一代的優勢競爭模式，取得市場先機，強化企業組織效能，網羅培育各地人才，提供滿意的顧客服務品質，創立長遠的品牌價值。在Ben Q併購西門子的經驗，莫不是台灣企業整體的學費成本，在國際化的競合腳步快速邁向前的科技網路時代，如何培養更多的國內外人才來迎接這個台灣優勢，順利去延展我們的國際市場，相信對於國際市場的研究，台灣應該有更多的用心與重視。今年初，在美國航空公司JetBlue的誤點意外，對客戶滿意度造成衝擊的案例，引起媒體大眾和政府的關注，這對於在國際上正在開疆闢土的台灣企業，應該引以為戒，並在相關的國際市場顧客行為研究，應該同時給予相對的投入與支持。 吾人希望藉對於資通訊服務業在國際市場的客戶滿意度比較研究，探討相關在產業市場對科技服務的客戶行為，同時選擇一個全球型的國際企業，並且擁有各國子公司的資通訊科技的系統整合服務業者進行相關的個案研究，而調查訪談的對象，屬於跨國企業(MNCs)的經營模式超過一半，分布於不同產業。考慮如何透過提供資通訊的科技軟硬體產品與服務，經由銷售、解決方案、諮詢、設計、專案管理、安裝建置、維護到客服服務的各項服務功能，對於亞太地區13國家200個的主要客戶，進行客戶滿意度的調查和研究。預期從這些相關的分析探討，深一層比較研究各國的客戶在滿意度是否有差異？而藉此訪談的過程，收集分析影響客戶滿意度的因素為何？ 本研究共計分為五章，包含第一章 緒論、第二章 文獻探討、第三章 研究方法與架構、第四章 資料分析和第五章 結論與建議。期望這份研究，對於個案公司、相關業者和後續學術研究，都能提供一定的幫助。 / Today, the rapid movement towards globalization has forced enterprises in Taiwan to transform from manufacturing, trading, and marketing type of business model to a more services oriented one. During the process of transformation, enterprises realize that increasing the value of private brand could bring them more competitive advantages in the supply chain, and ultimately create the market value which allows them to stand out in the severe competition of the global marketplace. In recent years, customer satisfaction has become an important index to evaluate whether a product or commodity is being successful in the market. However, not many researches are focusing the satisfaction studies of the services or products provided by the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) industry. As Taiwan has been the major export country of ICT products, a case study in the Asia Pacific market will help us understand more about the industry and provide more insights for Taiwan companies. The paper will use a multinational company in the ICT industry to examine the key factors that impact the client satisfaction survey. Result shows that the gap between clients’ perceptions and expectations of service quality will vary based on products, services, level of usage, personal experience and organization. This fulfils the concept of P.Z.B. model and the theory of DeLone and McLean model of information systems success. Also cultural difference plays a significant role in the survey result and could lead to diverse interpretation of service quality. It is hoped that this paper could be a reference for ICT companies in Taiwan to understand clients in different countries, making them to gain better market value in today’s competitive global market.

後冷戰時期的亞太區域安全事務趨於複雜，區域性國際組織日漸興起，其中「東協區域論壇」（ASEAN Regional Forum, ARF）主要作為亞太國家協商區域安全合作的重要機制。本篇論文主要介紹「東協區域論壇」之成立背景、過程，以及其運作之具體成就，進而分析其在亞太區域安全中所具備之功能與扮演之角色。 「東協區域論壇」成立於一九九四年，目前共有二十二個成員國。後冷戰時期亞太區域多邊主義形成，加上區域安全架構面臨重組，使得多邊安全對話機制之形成有其必要。「東協區域論壇」成立之基本宗旨是促使亞太國家針對政治及國防安全議題，培養建設性對話之習慣。「東協區域論壇」在推動區域安全合作機制上，分三階段進行：第一階段為推動「信心建立措施」（Confidence Building Measures, CBMs）；第二階段為發展「預防外交」（Preventive Diplomacy）；第三階段則是發展區域衝突的解決機制。至一九九九年第六屆「東協區域論壇」年會為止，已在「信心建立」上達成可觀的成就，並於一九九七年開始朝第二階段「預防外交」推動。 亞太國家在「東協區域論壇」各項目標的推動下，逐漸對區域安全事務之合作建立共識，對於和緩國際緊張情勢，降低衝突昇高機率，具有正面而積極之意義。惟其組織結構鬆散，屬性為協商安全議題之區域性論壇，雖然「信心建立措施」與「預防外交」的推動實施有其顯著成果，要能夠達到具備解決區域衝突的機制，尚有許多仍待努力之處。 中華民國目前並非「東協區域論壇」之成員國，在中共排擠壓力下，無法參加此一多邊安全對話機制。不過，台灣在未來亞太區域安全政策的規劃上，可將「東協區域論壇」成員國所形成之安全共識，作為研究實施之參考。同時，加強「綜合性安全」（comprehensive security）以及「合作性安全」（cooperative security）目標之追求，尋求各種多邊安全合作之途徑，在亞太區域安全中扮演積極之角色。如此可避免我國安全利益受損，並可增加參與國際社會之機會。 第一章、 緒 論 第一節 研究動機與研究宗旨 第二節 研究方法與限制 第三節 研究範圍 第二章、東協區域論壇之成立與運作 第一節 東協區域論壇之成立背景與過程 第二節 東協區域論壇之宗旨與目標 第三節 東協區域論壇之基本架構 第四節 東協區域論壇之運作模式 第三章、東協區域論壇之成就 第一節 歷屆東協區域論壇年會(外長會議)主要議題 第二節 東協區域論壇推動區域安全合作之各項成就 第三節 東協區域論壇對南海問題之態度與處理方式 第四章、東協區域論壇與亞太強權之關係 第一節 東協區域論壇與美國之關係 第二節 東協區域論壇與中共之關係 第三節 東協區域論壇與日本之關係 第五章、結 論

本文的研究目的在於觀察美國總統歐巴馬任期內的美日同盟關係之互動，並加入當前國關學界對於「同盟政治」以及東亞區域安全課題的討論。由此，在研究過程中，首先詳述美國與日本的國家安全戰略與外交立場，以及兩國之間的互動如何有效維繫彼此的同盟關係。 在具體研究步驟上，同盟內部協調能力與面臨外在情勢的同盟凝聚力是本文主要探討的的兩大重點。本文首先將美日關係中的安全、政治與經貿議題當作同盟的內部因素，檢視美日同盟之間的合作與分歧議題，以及美國總統歐巴馬與日本首相之間的互動過程，藉此評估美日同盟的協調能力；另以中國因素做為外部因素，討論中國對於美日同盟的各項影響，再以案例分析，檢視美國處理中日爭執議題的立場與實際作為，觀察美日同盟與中國之間的互動過程，藉此檢視美日同盟的凝聚力。最後部分則總結美日同盟在歐巴馬總統任期內的整體變化與效能分析。 / This research focuses on the alliance politics of the US-Japan alliance in the Obama administration. From 2009 to 2014, the Obama administration has faced five different Japanese cabinets, both the governments of the US and Japan had different perceptions regarding the alliance cohesion and coordination. These perceptions, in addition to their political, economic, and secure interactions have created multiple impacts on the US-Japan alliance. The China factor is another key issue during this research. Although China and the United States are very far from being adversaries as they were in the beginning of the Cold War era, they do engage in issues like South China Sea, East China Sea, and the global economic competition. The Obama administration is also trying to avoid the alliance security dilemma—the risk of entrapment and the cost of abandonment—with the malign China-Japan relations. Besides, this research further investigates how the US-Japan alliance has adjusted itself to the changes and challenges in the global and the East Asia regional security.

「避險」近年被認為是弱勢的中等國家爭取國家利益的最佳良策，然而這通常代表欲採此戰略選擇的國家，必須要同時與敵對的國家結成同盟，通常在經濟與安全領域的國家利益需求產生矛盾「悖論」，此間又以南韓在外交政策上的實踐最為顯著，本文將以朴槿惠主政下的南韓為例，探討在其「聯美和中」的外交平衡作法之下，受到地緣環境與傳統韓美同盟的制約的南韓，能否以此模糊的戰略選擇，兩面討好，達成獲取國家利益的最高政策目標。 / “Hedging Policy” is considered the best way to gain national interest for middle-power states in recent years. However, it means that state using this strategy has to cooperate or form an alliance with the enemy states. It usually known as a paradox to the security and economy issues of a state, and the most famous case is ROK. This article will take the ROK government led by president Park Geun-Hye for example, and discuss if the “Security issue rely on U.S., economy issue finds China” strategy did profit both from the two superpower in the world.

全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流，中美兩大經濟體系（G2）的競合，更是主導國際體系發展的方向，2014年中共國家主席習近平，提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識，中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色，對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻，期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。 從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向，窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係，理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。 期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維，過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機，發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。 / 全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流，中美兩大經濟體系（G2）的競合，更是主導國際體系發展的方向，2014年中共國家主席習近平，提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識，中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色，對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻，期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。 從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向，窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係，理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。 期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維，過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機，發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。