Face à l'intensification des flux et échanges liés à la mondialisation, et un besoin croissant d'un développement durable encadré, les Nations Unies ont mis au point il y a quinze ans une initiative collective : le Pacte mondial. Cette Déclaration en quatre volets regroupant les enjeux environnementaux, le respect des droits de l'Homme, les normes internationales de travail et la lutte contre la corruption, est alors analysée pour en mesurer l'efficacité et l'impact sur le développement. Il s'agit d'en comprendre les mécanismes et d'identifier les outils déployés dans l'application de cette norme de soft law appartenant au corpus législatif international. / The United Nations are confronted by the intensification of the streams and exchanges linked with the globalization, as the same time as a fundamental necessity of sustainable development. That is why they developed, fifteen years ago, an international initiative: the UN Global Compact. The Declaration contains four sections on environmental protection, Human rights, International Labour standards and anti-corruption norms. This research analyses the efficacy and the impact of the Declaration on the development, in order to understand mechanisms and to identify the deployed tools in the application of this soft law norm, as member of international legal corpus.

近年來，日本的防衛政策發生了許多重大的變化。如日本政府認可了「集團自衛權」的行使權、美日兩國修訂了新版的「美日防衛合作指針」以及日本國會通過了新的「安保法案」，這些變化勢必將帶給亞太地區不小的影響。在此之中，2013年，日本政府所制定的新「防衛計畫大綱」更顯示出了日本安全觀在面對快速變化的國際情勢之下，不停地求新求變以確保國家安全的意圖。 「防衛計畫大綱」是為日本防衛政策的最高指導方針，具有非常高的重要性。故本論文將以防衛計畫大綱作為基礎材料，對日本冷戰後的安全觀變遷進行研究。防衛計畫大綱至今(2016)共有五個版本，從第一版(1976年)到最新的第五版(2013)，橫跨了冷戰與後冷戰時代，其中各版的內容更是發生了許多變化。如冷戰時代，日本的主要威脅是來自於蘇聯的全面入侵。而到了後冷戰時代，防衛政策的重心則是開始創造能夠對應「複合事態」的新體制。 本論文將基於「新古典現實主義」與「歷史制度論」兩大理論的角度，對防衛計畫大綱展開分析。並特別著重於「政策的繼承性」、「國內政治勢力的演變」、「中日關係發展」以及「亞太地區安全形勢」等等議題。在探究日本安全觀變遷的同時，試圖理解日本防衛政策所具有的特殊性。 / Japan's defense policy changes significantly in recent years. New cabinet decision of the right of collective self-defense, new Guidelines for US-Japan Defense Cooperation and new national security bill. Definitely, those changes will impact Asia-Pacific Security. In those transitions, new Japanese National Defense Program Guideline(NDPG) will be a relevant reference to see why and how does Japanese security view get changed. This research will use NDPG as basic materials to find out the transition of Japan's security view in the Post-Cold War. NDPG has five editions for now. Form first edition(1976) to fifth edition(2013), NDPG can tell us what 's the difference of Japan 's security between Cold War and Post-Cold War. This research based on “Neoclassical Realism” and “Historical institutionalism” to analyze NDPG. Furthermore, we will concern of “Succession of policy”,” transition of domestic political power”,”China-Japan relations”and” Asia-Pacific Security”and so forth.

“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議與絲綢之路經濟帶的傳輸紐帶關係，發展成為“一帶一路”倡議，為中共在2013年所提出的戰略構想。 就美國而言，由於其經濟實力受金融危機影響減弱，透過積極干涉南海爭端，可協助其順利推進亞太戰略轉向，強化本國在東亞地區的權力基礎，並制約中國勢力擴張。相對於中共來說，應有效應對美國實施重返亞太戰略可能產生的各種不利影響。 本文探討對於共同建設的“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議，需要沿線各國與經濟體共同努力，願景需要由政治互信不斷增強，未來發展建置議程，共同促進聯合行動方案的互聯互通。 / The initiative of “One belt, one Road” means the economic belt of Land route of Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of Central Asia and the transport ties of the Maritime Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of ASEAN, which has been making a strategic formulation put forward by the People's Republic of China since 2013. The impact of islands disputes between China and Philippines on the security of South China Sea, as far as the United States is concerned, with its economic strength weakened by the financial crisis, by proactively interfering with that, it helps successfully reorient its regional strategy, strengthen the U.S. power base in East Asia, and prevent China from expanding further. On the other side, to the PRC., effective strategies should be put forward to all kinds of disadvantageous influences of America's returning to the Asia-Pacific region. This article argues that jointly building the initiative of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is required all parties to work together, the vision needs to be built for future development by increasing political mutual trust as well as development agenda so as to jointly promote inter connectivity.

La problématique de la thèse : en quoi les effets de la crise financière et bancaire de 2007-2008 ont influé les comportements de banques et en quoi ces derniers consistent-ils ? Pour ce faire, nous avons montré, d’abord, que le bilan et le compte de résultats sont des outils explicatifs de comportements stratégiques et opérationnels de banques. Vu la responsabilité particulière des banques de grande taille dans cette crise, nous avons exploité les données des 200 premières banques mondiales figurant dans le classement de 2006 (avant crise) et de 2012 (après crise) extraites de la base «The Banker» en utilisant, ensuite, l’analyse factorielle exploratoire pour découvrir les facteurs latents qui influencent leurs comportements dans une logique de statique comparative. Les résultats obtenus montrent que la crise a changé ces comportements. Au plan de comportement stratégique, les banques européennes s’orientent, en 2012, vers le modèle de banque de «détail pur» alors qu’en 2006 elles se répartissaient sur 3 modèles: «détail pur»; «mixtes»; «marché». Pour les banques de l’Amérique du Nord et de l’Asie-Pacifique, déjà spécialisées dans le «détail pur» en 2006, le restent pour 2012. Au plan de comportement opérationnel, les banques européennes passent d’une focalisation sur la rentabilité vers le renforcement de la suffisance de capital. Les banques nord-américaines et de l’Asie–Pacifique, focalisées sur l’activité en 2006, s’orientent sur la rentabilité en 2012. En conclusion, 2 recommandations pour les régulateurs financiers : s’assurer que la tendance vers le modèle de banque de «détail pur» soit de long terme et accorder une attention accrue à la taille du bilan / The thesis problem: how the effects of the financial and banking crisis of 2007-2008 have influenced the behavior of banks and what do they consist of ? To do this, we showed, first, that the balance sheet and income statement are good explanatory tools of strategic and operational behavior of banks. Due to the special responsibility of the large banks in this crisis, we used data of the top 200 global banks listed in the 2006 (pre-crisis) and 2012 (post-crisis) classifications, retrieved from the database "The Banker". We used the exploratory factor analysis to discover the latent factors which influence the banks behaviors, in a comparative static logic. The results show that this crisis has actually changed these behaviors. From the strategic positioning perspective, the trend of the European banks after the crisis is the "retail-funded" banking model. In 2006, the positioning was heterogeneous with a "cocktail" of "retail-funded", "wholesale-funded" and "trading" banks. For the North American and Asia-Pacific banks, which was already specialized in the "retail-funded" in 2006, will remain so for 2012. In terms of operational behavior, European banks pass from a strong focus on profitability, before the crisis, to a reinforcement of capital adequacy, after the crisis. The banks of North America and Asia-Pacific, which were focused on the activity, before the crisis, will give more importance to the profitability after the crisis. In conclusion, two recommendations for the financial regulators : ensure that the trend in matter of strategic positioning of the banks is oriented to the “retail-funded” model and pay special attention to the size of the balance sheet.

This thesis examines the desire and efforts to 'do something' about what is variously called 'modern slavery' or 'human trafficking'. Neoabolitionist efforts to fight such phenomena are typically wedded to a simplistic and essentialist ontology, unaware of or rejecting their own performativity. The thesis is not about slavery: it is about the ethico-political problem of responsibility and hospitality toward the other in the context of contemporary anti-slavery. What constitutes an ethical response to modern slavery? I explore the often violent effects of particular answers to this question but ultimately argue that the focus on doing something (and knowing it) threatens the very possibility of hospitality - of an ethical response. Through a conceptual vocabulary of 'scenes' I explore the performative interrelation of ontology and ethics. It is intended to help resist the metaphysical seductions of ontology and moral urgency. Scenes bundle specific ontologies, frames, conjured histories and futures, roles and narrative structures, distributions of concern, desire and enjoyment. Response begins with the discursive and affective co-constitution of the self, the one to whom we respond, and the scene in which it takes place. Scene-specific forms of responsibility can operate as a defence against the full force of responsibility to the other. Chapters 1 and 2 develop the notion of scenes and explore how neoabolitionism sets its scenes and locates favoured solutions. The remaining chapters explore those solution areas. Chapter 3 looks at how a US movement against 'sex trafficking' in internet advertising reproduces a Manichean world of simplicity by a game of Whac-A-Mole with websites, ritualistic repetition of baseless 'facts', silencing of sex workers, and aggressive demonization of those who disagree or argue for greater complexity; Chapters 4 and 5 draw on time I spent in San Francisco with two very different organisations. One, Not For Sale, makes a product of experiencing neoabolitionism, joining together charity, capitalism, consumer enjoyment, technology and the excitement of a movement of 'true believers', producing innovative approaches but in the process reinforcing problematic gendered and colonial stereotypes. The other, Anti-trafficking Collaborative of the Bay Area, works quietly and tactically in a messy immigration system, aware of the political and performative nature of their work. They actively take responsibility for their own preconceptions and desires to ground a profoundly hospitable client-centred approach avoiding many pitfalls identified in earlier chapters. The thesis has a performative element woven through it - the ethos of the work is one of unsettling both existing practices and literatures, and the writer and reader. The concluding chapter explores the impossibility of hospitality, its interrelation with juridical subjectivity and the ethics demanding and giving accounts in light of the preceding chapters, suggesting a performative approach toward the other is possible.

俄羅斯獨立之初，其對外政策路線為「向西方一面倒」，亞太政策並未能與其對西方政策相提並論。但在短短數年間，俄羅斯與亞太區域大國—中共的關係急遽加溫，雙方建立了戰略夥伴關係。這足以說明俄羅斯的亞太政策在其對外政策中的比重已然提升。俄羅斯現行的對外政策走的是「東西平衡」路線；從而，俄羅斯的亞太政策也有重大的調整。本論文將探討1992至1998年間，俄羅斯的亞太政策如何形成。 本論文認為：1992年俄羅斯獨立之後，俄羅斯的亞太政策乃是在國內經濟發展的需求以及戰略三角的互動等環節關聯上，受到克里姆林宮政治生態互動而形成。此一命題可再引申為下列邏輯相關的子命題：（一）由於美國主導北約的東進使俄羅斯感受威脅，加上中共與美國的戰略衝突，引起美俄中戰略三角的互動，促使俄羅斯意圖聯合中共以制衡美國，因而造成俄羅斯亞太政策的重大調整。（二）在俄羅斯國內經濟凋敝的情況下，俄屬遠東的開發為其自力救濟的唯一途徑。為加速俄屬遠東的開發，俄羅斯勢必要開創有利的國際環境，從而必須調整其亞太政策。（三）俄羅斯亞太政策的形成與其國內政治生態的互動有密切的關聯：克里姆林宮政治生態互動，造成俄羅斯的對外政策路線從原來的「向西方一面倒」徹底轉為東西平衡的「雙頭鷹」，而亞太政策就是其重要環節之一。 上述的三個成因，構成本論文的核心論點；而對應於此三個論點，本論文將分六章探討。第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與範圍、文獻述評與研究途徑。第二章：俄羅斯的亞太政策。本章將略述俄羅斯獨立後，其亞太政策的實際運作。當中以俄羅斯對中共、日本與南北韓的政策，做為重點加以描述，其次再論及俄羅斯對東南亞地區國家的政策。第三章：戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。本章將闡述戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策形成的影響。第四章：俄羅斯遠東經濟開發對其亞太政策的影響。本章將檢視俄屬遠東經濟開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。第五章：俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響。本章將探討克里姆林宮政治生態互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響。第六章：結論。 目錄-----------------------------------------------------------I 圖表目錄------------------------------------------------------VI 縮寫表------------------------------------------------------VIII 第一章 緒論---------------------------------------------------1 第一節 研究動機與目的-----------------------------------------1 第二節 研究範圍-----------------------------------------------4 第三節 文獻述評-----------------------------------------------6 第四節 研究途徑與架構----------------------------------------13 第二章 俄羅斯的亞太政策--------------------------------------24 第一節 俄羅斯對東亞政策--------------------------------------26 一、俄羅斯對中共政策------------------------------------------26 （一）俄中夥伴關係層次的提升—由「睦鄰友好」到「戰略夥伴」----26 （二）俄中夥伴關係的具體表現----------------------------------30 二、俄羅斯對台灣政策------------------------------------------36 （一）俄台關係—中斷四十年後的交流----------------------------36 （二）俄台經貿往來成果----------------------------------------37 第二節 俄羅斯對東北亞政策------------------------------------39 一、俄羅斯對日政策--------------------------------------------40 （一）俄日零和關係的轉變—「東京宣言」------------------------40 （二）俄羅斯對日政策推行的障礙—北方四島問題------------------41 二、俄羅斯對朝鮮半島政策--------------------------------------44 （一）俄羅斯對南韓政策—漸行漸遠的雙邊關係--------------------45 （二）俄羅斯對北韓政策—由疏而近的調整------------------------47 第三節 俄羅斯對東南亞政策------------------------------------49 （一）俄羅斯與東協「對話夥伴關係」的建立----------------------49 （二）俄羅斯東南亞政策的具體成就------------------------------52 第三章 戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響--------------------54 第一節 俄美的戰略衝突----------------------------------------56 （一）俄美「成熟戰略夥伴關係」的建立--------------------------56 （二）俄美之間日漸浮現的衝突----------------------------------58 （三）俄美衝突的激化—美國主導北約東擴------------------------66 第二節 美中的戰略衝突----------------------------------------77 （一）「圍堵」與「反圍堵」------------------------------------77 （二）美國干涉1996年台海飛彈危機------------------------------84 （三）貌合神離的美中「建設性夥伴關係」------------------------87 第三節 俄中的戰略匯合----------------------------------------91 （一）俄羅斯對中共的軍售與技術轉移----------------------------91 （二）俄中邊界裁軍與互信措施的建立----------------------------97 （三）俄中對外戰略的互補--------------------------------------99 第四節 戰略三角互動對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------110 第四章 俄屬遠東開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------112 第一節 俄屬遠東的開發現況與困境-----------------------------113 （一）俄屬遠東開發的歷史回顧---------------------------------114 （二）俄屬遠東的開發現況-------------------------------------119 （三）俄屬遠東開發所面臨的困境-------------------------------123 第二節 東北亞區域經濟合作對俄屬遠東開發的必要性-------------130 （一）東北亞區域經濟合作的源起—圖們江開發計劃---------------130 （二）東北亞區域經濟合作—圖們江開發計劃的推行現況-----------133 （三）東北亞區域經濟合作對俄屬遠東開發的必要性---------------137 第三節 俄羅斯國內對俄屬遠東開發的歧見-----------------------140 （一）俄羅斯的遠東開發政策-----------------------------------140 （二）遠東地區對開發當地的看法-------------------------------146 第四節 俄羅斯為其遠東開發所做的政策調整---------------------150 （一）裡應外合的前置調整-------------------------------------150 （二）俄屬遠東開發與俄羅斯亞太政策之間的聯繫-----------------152 （三）俄羅斯亞太政策因應俄屬遠東開發的調整-------------------153 第五節 俄屬遠東開發對俄羅斯亞太政策的影響-------------------164 第五章 俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響-----------------166 第一節 俄羅斯亞太政策的決策機制-----------------------------168 （一）總統府-------------------------------------------------168 （二）外交部-------------------------------------------------176 （三）國會---------------------------------------------------178 第二節 對外政策路線論爭的影響-------------------------------180 （一）俄羅斯對外政策路線的轉折-------------------------------180 （二）大西洋學派、歐亞大陸學派與大俄羅斯帝國學派-------------183 （三）對外政策路線的論戰-------------------------------------186 （四）「俄羅斯對外政策概念」與「俄羅斯的戰略」之比較---------191 第三節 府會之間對立的影響-----------------------------------197 （一）府會政爭的前夕-----------------------------------------197 （二）府會衝突的激化-----------------------------------------200 （三）府會之間對立對俄羅斯外交路線的影響---------------------209 第四節 國會政治生態的影響-----------------------------------211 （一）93國會大選後的政治生態---------------------------------212 （二）95國會改選的衝擊---------------------------------------217 （三）國會政治生態對俄羅斯外交路線的影響---------------------224 第五節 總統大選的衝擊---------------------------------------226 （一）96外長易人後國內的政治生態-----------------------------226 （二）車臣戰事的糾葛-----------------------------------------231 （三）總統大選對俄羅斯外交路線的影響-------------------------238 第六節 俄羅斯政治生態互動對其亞太政策的影響-----------------240 第六章 結論-------------------------------------------------242 參考書目-----------------------------------------------------245 / In the initial stage immediately after its dependence, Russia’s foreign policy was following the line of “inclining to the West” therefore, the gravity of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy was disproportional comparing with that of its Policy toward the West. Nevertheless, during recent years, the Russo-Chinese relation has developed rapidly, and both sides have established the “strategic partnership”. This means that Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy has become more and more significant since Russia is seeking an equilibrium between the East and the West in its current foreign policy. Against this background, this thesis will survey the factors that exert impact on the formation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy during the period from 1992 to 1998. This thesis is taking the position that Russia’s Asia-Pacific policy has been shaped by the Kremlin politics within the context of its domestic imperative of economic development and the interaction of “Strategic Triangle” politics since the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following three logically intertwined propositions: (1) Due to the US led NATO expansion eastward, which has created threats Russia’s security and the strategic conflict between the U.S.A. and the PRC. Russia intends to search the support from the PRC in order to check the US hegemonism. Under this consideration, Russia adjusts its Asia-Pacific Policy. (2) With the difficulties in its domestic economic development, the development of Russia’s Far East is the only way to release Russia from such a predicament. In order to accelerate the development of Russia’s Far East, Russia, it is necessary to search for a stable international condition. This consideration also demands that Russia adjust its Asia-Pacific Policy. (3) The formulation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy is driven by its domestic political struggle: Kremlin politics makes the thoroughgoing change of Russia’s foreign policy line. Now Russia is seeking an equilibrium between the East and the West, which demands an adjustment in its Asia-Pacific policy in turn. These three factors above constitute the core points of this thesis. In accordance with these points, this thesis will be discussed in six chapters. Chapter one is introduction, it will explain the purpose, scope and approaches of this study. Chapter two will survey the development of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy during the period defined. This chapter will sketch the implementation of Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy, with emphasis on Russia’s policies toward the PRC, Japan and the Korean Peninsula, and the Southeast Asia. Chapter three will explore the influence of the Strategic Triangle politics. Chapter four will examine the influence of the development of Russia’s Far East on Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy. Chapter five will discuss how the Kremlin politics influences Russia’s Asia-Pacific Policy. Chapter six is conclusion.

近年來國際金融局勢詭譎多變，金融危機層出不窮，無論外資或有意投入國外股市的投資人都勢必更加小心。本研究乃針對亞太盆地國家的股票報酬率與國家信用水準變動做分析，並依開發中國家與已開發國家之別，嘗試探究其差異。本文的研究方法採用時間序列的模型(干預模型與衝擊反應分析)，檢定亞太盆地國家股票報酬率的時間序列型態，及國家信用變動對股票報酬率及其波動性的影響。實證結果顯示： 1.無論開發中國家或已開發國家，其股票報酬率並不受自身股票報酬率的波動度影響，此結論恰與Baillie and Degennaro(1990)吻合。 2.國家信用水準變動對股票報酬率的影響未落後達一個月之久。 3.國家信用變動對已開發國家的股票報酬率及其波動度不具顯著的解釋力。 4.國家信用改變對開發中國家股票報酬率及其波動度較具解釋力，但影響方向不一致，原因可能是開發中國家的投資障礙較多。 5.衝擊反應分析受限於開發中國家股市資料較少及國家信用分數型態，而未有一致而明顯的結論。 第一章、 緒論••••••••••••••••••••••••1 第一節 研究背景與動機••••••••••••••••••••1 第二節 研究目的•••••••••••••••••••••••4 第三節 研究限制•••••••••••••••••••••••4 第四節 研究內容與研究架構••••••••••••••••••5 第二章、 文獻探討••••••••••••••••••••••7 第一節 股票波動度的相關文獻•••••••••••••••••7 第二節 國家風險的相關文獻••••••••••••••••••8 第三節 干預分析的相關文獻••••••••••••••••••10 第四節 衝擊反應分析的相關文獻••••••••••••••••12 第三章、 資料來源與說明•••••••••••••••••••13 第一節 太平洋盆地國家的股市資料來源與類型••••••••••13 第二節 敘述統計•••••••••••••••••••••••15 第三節 使用Institutional Investor的國家信用評等指標為解釋變數之因•22 第四節 國家信用風險評比決定因子與過程••••••••••••24 第五節 國家風險指標的有效性•••••••••••••••••25 第四章、 實證結果••••••••••••••••••••••26 第一節 理論架構•••••••••••••••••••••••26 第二節 檢驗各國股價報酬的時間序列型態••••••••••••29 第三節 變異數自身相關檢定(ARCH、GARCH檢定)••••••••38 第四節 波動度解釋力檢定•••••••••••••••••••45 第五節 國家信用評等解釋力檢定••••••••••••••••48 第六節 衝擊反應分析•••••••••••••••••••••59 第五章、 結論與後續研究建議•••••••••••••••••74 第一節 結論•••••••••••••••••••••••••74 第二節 後續研究建議•••••••••••••••••••••76 參考文獻•••••••••••••••••••••••••••77 一、 中文部份••••••••••••••••••••••••77 二、 英文部份••••••••••••••••••••••••77 附錄(外國專業投資機構直接投資國內狀況分析表) •••••••••80 / For the recent years, the global financial environment has been changing rapidly, which reminds qualified foreign institutional investors of more caution. This survey focuses on the relationship between stock returns, volatility and country credit rating changes among countries in the Asia-Pacific Basin. This research further divides the 12 sample countries into two categories, developed markets and emerging ones, and finds out the differences between both groups. The empirical methods used here are intervention analysis and impulse response analysis. The empirical results are as follows: 1. The stock return and its volatility do not have statistically significant relation in both developed markets and emerging ones, which coincides with the conclusion by Baillie and Degennaro(1990). 2. The impact of changes in country credit level on stock returns will work within one month; that is to say, changes in country credit level this month will affect stock returns of the current month. 3. Country credit change has no impact on stock returns of the developed markets. 4. Changes in country credit levels of the emerging markets have apparent influence on their stock returns but no identical signs. This may result from the common barriers existed in the emerging markets for foreign investors. 5. The impulse response analysis doesn't have an apparent and agreeable result owing to the constraint of rare data.

戰後台灣的政治安定，立基於經濟發展，經濟發展取決於貿易傳動。在全球化的時代，經貿是台灣積極串聯世界、爭取生存茁壯的關鍵樞紐；對四面環海的台灣而言，能源及原物料之進口與轉化後財貨之對外貿易，全賴於海運實踐，台灣以一個海島型經濟型態「不斷向世界市場擴張」的過程中，國際海運是國家經濟與世界市場的實質聯結。國際海運因而成為台灣迎向全球與經貿發展的生命線，政軍安定的守護神。 本文主要的目的，在探討戰後(1950~2005)我國國際海運政策的治理模式與治理政策。台灣四面環海，具有發展國際海運的地理優勢，比較世界各國的發展，台灣地區的國際海運經營與發展，在世界上一直佔有相當重要的地位。然而，近年來，由於中國大陸的崛起，台灣則基於自身的考量，執行「戒急用忍」政策，遲遲不開放兩岸通航與協商航商西進，使得台灣的經濟優勢逐漸流失，國輪航商之經營環境也隨之惡化，本研究藉由歷史與結構的研究途徑，從戰後我國國際海運發展的歷史脈絡與結構變遷，就其治理模式與治理策略進行深入的探討。 除了經由文獻探討中，檢視我國國際海運政策的變革之外，進一步與我國國際海運的公經理人、學者與業者等共三十位專業人士，進行實證的訪問調查，獲得第一手的資料，然後與文獻分析所得相互驗證，進而歸納成結論，並就我國國際海運政策的治理模式與治理策略，提出建言。 / Abstract: Comparing with the development of other countries, water-surrounded Taiwan has to build up its international shipping industry to facilitate international trade and therefore stabilize its polity through economic development. Due to the geographic privilege, Taiwan also has its strength of developing international shipping for linking the national economy and the world market. The objective of this study is to explore the governance mode and strategies of Taiwan’s international shipping policy after the World War II. This study investigated the relationships among international politics, macroeconomic and international trade, government policy, and industry environment for the international shipping policy. In addition to literature review, this study interviewed public managers, scholars and industrial professionals to empirically collect the experienced data by “in-depth interview.” Through the integrated means, this study concludes that Taiwan’s international shipping policy has played an important role for developing the industry in each stage of Taiwan’s development on economy and international trade, whilst the government in Taiwan should seek more practical governance modes and strategies to cope with the challenges to come.

本論文的問題意識在於，中國是否將與其古代帝國一樣，在力量強大時追求以武力或其他強制手段達成戰略目標，並試圖建立以其為核心的東亞勢力範圍與國際秩序，結果導致升高與周邊國家甚至美國在內的其他亞太強國的緊張關係與衝突發生機率，與其所宣稱的「和平發展/崛起」、「和諧世界」不符。 中國戰略菁英繼承了帝國時代遺留下來的天下觀、內政導向戰略文化與陸權性格等地緣戰略遺產。同時，缺乏海軍戰略傳統的中國也在1950年代從同為大陸強國的蘇聯之處承接了19、20世紀的法國、德國、蘇聯等歐陸國家發展出來的以劣抗優的大陸國家縱深防禦海軍戰略與積極防禦艦隊海戰戰略。這些遺產與當代外來海軍戰略共同促成了中國的陸權式海洋地緣戰略。 在中國的陸權式海洋地緣戰略中，古代天下觀在當代因為中國的國力迅速發展與中國戰略菁英的自信加強，而逐漸形成強調中國制度與文化優越性的新「中國中心主義」。此一新中國中心主義配合中國追求實現其領土主權聲索的現代「九州一統」周邊地緣政治密碼，壓倒日本、印度、東協等區域競爭對手，組織以其為核心的東亞地緣戰略領域的區域地緣政治密碼，以及中國自冷戰時期起就發展出的追求全球體系多極化與建立國際政治經濟新秩序，和在冷戰後希望消除美國於東亞的影響力，追求將亞太地緣政治次體系轉變為美中並立兩極結構的體系/次體系地緣政治密碼，使得中國難以成為一個維持現狀的國家。而中國的內政導向戰略文化雖然強調對內優先於對外，但其實際上具備相當重視權力政治與武力在國際事務中效用的強現實政治特徵和備戰本質。而中國的陸權性格與從蘇聯繼承而來的陸權式海洋地緣戰略，使當代中國的地緣戰略重心與方向皆位於東亞大陸與周邊海域，並未真正跨出亞太邊緣地區，只是將西太平洋的島鏈作為海上長城、島鏈周圍的海洋作為新的資源開發地區與戰略緩衝區，以此區隔與美國在亞太的勢力範圍，並按照安西、靠北、爭東南的地緣戰略操作來組織受其支配的東亞地緣戰略領域。 本論文認為中國擴大參與東亞整合的原因，只是為了因應目前其實力尚無法獨力以軍事、政治等強制性手段完成組織受其支配的東亞地緣戰略領域的戰略目的的間接戰略運用，目的是藉此極大化中國的利益，並取得東亞整合的主導權。中國並無意在傳統安全議題與領土爭端和周邊國家與其他亞太主要強國妥協，並利用多邊傳統安全國際建制達成地緣政治安排，促成亞太地緣政治均衡。中國的陸權式海洋地緣戰略雖然限於中國的海上戰略交通線控制能力，最終目的並不在取代美國成為體系中的新海權，但卻能嚴重威脅美國的海權地位，以及其他亞太主要強國和中國周邊中小型濱海國家的地緣政治利益。因此安西、靠北、爭東南的地緣戰略操作除了在北線地緣之外，皆激起其他次體系主要大國與東協的競爭性權力平衡反應。此種戰略反饋又使中國增強本身的競爭性權力平衡作為，難以形成達成均衡必要的協作性權力平衡。因此，中國的地緣戰略仍是傳統爭奪控制戰略交通線與要地的類型，不是為了追求和諧世界與地緣政治均衡的新類型，故無法促進目前不存在均衡的亞太地緣政治次體系達成均衡，反而可能升高與周邊國家甚至美國的衝突機率。 但是，中國受制於本身有限的戰略交通線控制能力，目前仍無法形成其他次體系主要強國真正的傳統安全威脅，更為了繼續實施經濟建設，必須盡力維持周邊國際環境的穩定。其他亞太主要強國為了繼續藉由與中國的交往獲得的龐大經濟利益，在中國還未成為真正戰略威脅的情況下，亦不願意真正與中國敵對，導致亞太地緣政治次體系的局勢將逐漸走向中國與海洋國家之間政治上經常引發緊張關係，但其他方面互動熱絡，不致立即引發武裝衝突危機的「冷和平」狀態，無法形成真正的地緣政治均衡。 關鍵字：中國、亞太地緣政治次體系、權力平衡、地緣政治均衡、地緣政治密碼、戰略文化、地緣戰略 / The research question of this dissertation is that whether China might seek to apply coercive measures to create an East Asia Geostrategic Realm and to dominate the turf by itself, which just like what pre-modern China’s Empires did. Because of the increasing possibility of armed conflicts between China and other regional powers, including the United States, these measures will put the international security of the Asia-Pacific region in jeopardy. Furthermore, this is not according to what China’s claim on “peaceful development/rising” or the so-called “harmonious world.” Modern Chinese strategic elites inherit three main geo-strategic legacies such as the Chinese traditional concept of “Tianxia” (天下觀), domestic-oriented strategic culture, and national land-power nature in China’s history. China also receives the European thought of continental-oriented naval strategy from the Soviet Union while Maoist China built its navy which supported by the Soviet’s help in the 1950s. These legacies and foreign naval strategic thought not only shape modern China’s “Land-Power Maritime Geo-strategy,” but also affect the nature, gravity, directions, and the major operations of the geo-strategy. Base on China’s rapid economic growth and military modernization, the self-confidential Chinese elites gradually transform the traditional concept of Tianxia into the new “Sino-centricism,” which stress on the superiority of China’s culture and politico-economic systems. In terms of the geopolitical codes of modern China, they pursue the realization of territorial claims for the purpose of “union” on the local level; overwhelming the competitions of leadership in East Asia from Japan, India, and the ASEAN for creating a Chinese-dominated East Asian Geostrategic Realm on the regional level; pursuing multi-polarization of the international system and, establishing new international politico-economic orders on the systemic level, and dispel the influence of United States in East Asia by transforming the Asia-Pacific geopolitical structure into a bipolarity on the sub-systemic level. Over all, these three levels of geopolitical codes and the new “Sino-centricism” would not make China be a status-quo power in the Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system. Additionally, with regard to the domestic-oriented strategic culture, although it stresses the priority of domestics, it also values power politics and the effectiveness of forces in the international politics. The domestic-oriented strategic culture of China, therefore, has the strong characteristics of hard “realpolitik” and “parabellum”. China’s traditional land-power nature aside, its continental-oriented naval strategy is developed from the thought of the Soviet naval strategy and put the gravity and directions of China’s “Land-Power Maritime Geo-strategy” in East Asian continent. China does not go beyond the “Asia-Pacific Rim” actually. What China does is using the “two island-chain” defense in West Pacific as a “Great Wall at Sea,” and the seas around the island chains as strategic buffer zone to distinguish the sphere of influence between China and the United States. China applies the strategic principles of “stabilizing West, relying on North, competing for the Southeast” to organize the region in the west of the island chains and shaping its dominance in the East Asian Geostrategic Realm. The dissertation argues that since China cannot organize the East Asian Strategic Realm by political and military means at present, China’s participations in East Asian integrations are indirect strategic behavior. The purposes of indirect approaches are to utilize China’s economic interests and to obtain the leadership of East Asian integrations. China would not like to compromise with its neighbors and other Asia-Pacific Powers on highly sensitive traditional security issues, like territorial disputes essentially. Nor does China attempt to shape multi-pole geopolitical arrangements to achieve the geopolitical equilibrium of Asia-Pacific Geopolitical Sub-system by applying multi-pole international regimes. Furthermore, the purpose of China’s “Land-Power Maritime Geo-strategy” is not to replace the United States as the Sea Power in the system just because China lacks the ability of controlling global strategic sea lines of communications. The Chinese naval strategy of active layer defense can still seriously threaten the Sea Power status of the United States and the important geopolitical interests of China’s neighbors. Therefore, the implementations of aforesaid geo-strategy of “stabilizing West, relying on North, competing for the Southeast,” seriously raise “adversary balance of power” in both West and Southeast fronts due to the convergences of geopolitical interests between China and other powers. Nevertheless, the adversary balancing feedback of other Asia-Pacific powers and even the ASEAN countries enhance China’s adversary behavior as well. This reciprocal process cannot create the necessary “associational balance of power” of geopolitical equilibrium. In other words, China’s geo-strategy belongs to the “traditional” type, which stresses the importance of controlling strategic communication in the Asia-Pacific region. It is not the “new” type of pursuing “harmonious world” and geopolitical equilibrium. Therefore, China’s geo-strategy cannot advance the equilibrium of Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system. On the contrary, it may raise the possibility of conflicts between China and Asia-Pacific countries, even the United States. China is not deemed as major traditional threat by other major Asia-Pacific regional powers due to lacking the capabilities of controlling strategic communication of Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system. China must do its best to maintain the stability of the surrounding international environment to continue its economic development. Other major Asia-Pacific powers would like to obtain huge economic interests by engaging with China. As a result, the security of Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system will gradually develop into a “cold peace” situation, but not the situation of geopolitical equilibrium. The “cold peace” is a situation not only can fill with geopolitical tensions between China and other major Asia-Pacific powers, but also can interact closely with each other on social, economic, cultural and other dimensions, which prevent the crisis of the outbreak of immediate armed conflicts in the region. Key Words: China, Asia-Pacific Geopolitical Subsystem, Balance of Power, Geopolitical Equilibrium, Geopolitical Code, Strategic Culture, Geo-strategy

本文以「新現實主義」(neorealism)，或被稱為「結構現實主義」(structural realism)做為研究途徑，從國際政治系統層次體系，探究美國在二十一世紀後，所進行的東亞軍力調整。本文首先檢視二十一世紀後東亞戰略環境，以及美國的兩位總統，小布希(George W. Bush)，以及歐巴馬(Barrack Obama)，的面對這樣的東亞安全環境，採取的戰略與政策儘管有不同，但同樣在軍事及外交上，強化與東亞國家之關係，藉以建構一個對美國有利的東亞安全環境，藉以面對來自崛起中國的挑戰。接著，本文將探究美國與中國之關係，藉以釐清美國在進行東亞軍力調整中，如何處理中國的因素後，探討美國在二十一世紀後，在東亞進行的軍力調整的原因、方針以及概況，以及美國的東亞盟邦在軍力調整後所扮演的角色，並探究美國在東亞軍力整編時所面對的困境與挑戰。 本文發現，二十一世紀美國進行東亞軍力調整之時，也反應了其東亞外交與安全戰略，以及美國建構一個以「美日同盟」為主軸的安全戰略體系已經形成，並由美國的其他東亞盟邦輔助支援。然而，美國的東亞軍力調整，也面臨了許多困難與挑戰，包括美國東亞盟邦，甚至美國自身的問題等。 最後，本文也建議未來可針對抑制中國軍事能力的戰略，以及台灣在美國東亞安全戰略可以扮演的角色進行研究。 / The research approach used in this dissertation is neorealism (structural realism). From the system of level in the international politics, this dissertation explore how the United States conducted its military realignment in East Asia. Firstly, this dissertation will examine the security environment of East Asia in the twenty-first century. Although two U.S. Presidents, George W. Bush and Barrack Obama, adopted different policies when facing such an East Asia security environment, they both strengthened relations with Asia-Pacific countries militarily and diplomatically. They intended to construct an East Asian security environment favorable for U.S. interests so that U.S. can face the challenges from the rising China. Later on, this dissertation will explore U.S.-Chinese relations to clarify how U.S. handle Chinese factors in its military realignment in East Asia. Besides, this dissertation will explore the reasons, policies, how U.S. proceed its military realignment, and the roles played by U.S. allies and partners. Finally, this dissertation will examine the difficulties and challenges that U.S. will have faced in its military realignment. This dissertation finds that U.S. military realignment in East Asia reflects its diplomacy and security strategy. Meanwhile, an U.S. security strategy based on U.S.-Japan alliance has established, with the support from other U.S. allies and partners in East Asia. However, the U.S. indeed faces difficulties and challenges, including problems from its allies and even the U.S. itself. Lastly, this dissertation suggest some research directions in the future, including a strategy which can suppress Chinese capabilities, and the role that Taiwan can play in the comprehensive U.S. East Asia security strategy.