台灣印度間之經濟合作研究 / Abstract India and China are part of an abbreviation called BRIC. The term BRIC was first used in 2003 in a thesis published by the Goldman Sachs investment bank that named Brazil, Russia, India and China as large emerging economies likely to assume key global roles. While China and India are considered emerging economic powerhouses in world as they have witnessed a growth of over 8% in past 5 years, Taiwan had its successful run to become a developed nation through dramatic growth in late 80s to early 90s by first transforming its manufacturing and then moving to service base economy. Famous Business week article of 2005 “Does Taiwan Matters” underlines the position and contribution of Taiwan to the world especially in high tech industries. In recent years, Taiwanese companies have done massive investments in China. Some people even question if this too much dependence of Taiwanese business on China is putting Taiwan at some risk. For an Indian, who is studying MBA program in Taiwan, the economic relationship between India and Taiwan has always been point of great curiosity as to what strategies each of these country has adopted in order to boost its economy and how should these two countries position and get benefit form each other in today’s world where economic co-operation is even more paramount than any other sort. The objective of this study is to determine  Evolution, positions and drivers of India & Taiwan economies focusing on high tech industries  Economic co-operation activities between Taiwan and India in recent years Purpose of study is also to make further recommendation on the areas where Taiwan & India should increase strategic co-operations and get benefit from this mutual partnership.

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太平洋地區已逐漸成為世界經濟的重心，區內美、日兩國經濟大國雄踞海洋兩岸，再 加以經濟活力充沛的亞洲新興工業國家，以及豐富的天然資源和糧食生產力，充分顯 示出太平洋地區雄厚的經濟潛力。雖然區內諸國在許多方面仍在著相當大的差異，但 在經濟活動方面，其相互依賴關係，有逐漸增強的趨勢。 雖然整個太平洋地區經濟合作的構想，目前只處於試探和醞釀階段，最後能否導致什 麼具體結果或採取何種形式的合作，尚無法預先給予結論，但我國身居太平洋地區重 要地位，對於區內經濟合作的可能演變，應予相當的重視。 本文分成六章，主要討論：（一）太平洋地區經濟發展趨勢；（二）推行太平洋地區 經濟合作，實際上遭遇到的問題；（三）推行太平洋地區經濟合作，比較可行的途徑 ；（四）我國在太平洋地區經濟合作中的地位。最後，作一綜合性的結論與建議。

台灣自加入世界貿易組織（WTO）後，已對於服務業市場進行逐步開放，然面對全球服務貿易自由化之趨勢，以及我國產業結構面臨調整轉型之際，政府欲藉由服務業之發展，帶動經濟成長，使服務業成為我國經濟發展的新動能。由2004年行政院所提出「十二大服務業發展綱領及行動方案」至2009年推動的「服務業發展方案」，未來持續推動六大新興產業、十大重點服務業等細部措施，可看出政府近年來對於服務業的國內發展和對外拓展重視程度不斷增加，期望能將整體服務業的附加價值提升，創造就業機會，增進整體經濟與生活品質。 台灣於2002年加入世界貿易組織，服務業開放承諾項目共計119項，惟對中國大陸並未按照入會承諾履行開放義務，直到2010年6月29日，我國與中國大陸簽署兩岸經濟合作架構協議（Cross-Straits Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement; 以下簡稱ECFA），開啟兩岸經貿自由化之契機，依兩岸經濟合作架構協議第4條規定，雙方後續將推動服務貿易協議，進一步開放服務業市場，未來我國將面臨服務業對中國大陸履行入會承諾之壓力。 本研究將分析兩岸服務業發展現況、相互開放情形及我國對中國大陸開放服務業之原則，探討未來ECFA服務貿易協議我國於協商時可能面臨之挑戰及市場開放議題可能涉及問題，並提出政策建議。 / Since Taiwan acceded to WTO, its services market has been stepping up the process of liberalization. However, confronting the trend of global liberalization of services trade and the change of industry structure, Taiwan government would like to boost its economic growth by developing services industry. The policies “A guiding plan for development of services (2004)” and “The program of services industry development (2009)” will keep promoting the six rising industries and the ten key services. Taiwan government focuses on not only its domestic but also foreign services markets in these years, hoping to increase the value added, employment opportunities and quality of life. Taiwan acceded to WTO in 2002 and opened 119 services sectors in GATS. But it didn’t fulfill its commitment of opening its services market to Mainland China. After, the signing of Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA on June 29, 2010,both governments have formally started the trade liberalization. According to ECFA Article 4, Both parties will enter into negotiation of an agreement on trade in services, for further liberalization of services market. By the time, Taiwan will encounter great difficulties in liberalizing its domestic market and the pressure of fulfilling its commitments in GATS. The study will try to analyze the liberalization status of cross-straits services market, the principle of Taiwan market liberalization to Mainland China, the difficulties of negotiation on trade in services, the issues regarding market access and suggestions.

自1920年代發展的“福利經濟學”認為政府的經濟角色只是在市場失靈(market fail ure)時介入，推行經濟管制、補貼等公共政策，以達到社會福利的極大化，政府並不 帶任何政治色彩；但事實上，假如政府是中性的工具，那將違反“理性經濟人”的假 設；J.E.Alt和K.A.Chry-stal(1983 PP.28-30) 指出政府的經濟功能包括：生產性、 汲取性和保護性的功能。另外，D.Easton認為“政治是社會價值權威的分配”，準此 欲研究政府的公共政策必須考慮政治－－經濟的互動性，因此本文擬從公共選擇的架 構－－先將政治市場的主要成員：(1)官僚政治(2)民意代表(立法者) (3)利益團體定 位清楚以探討管制政策的形成及影響，分析政府的公共政策，使公共政策的研究方法 富有擴展性，此乃本文的目的之一。 其次，公共選擇理論是要建立與市場理論類似的模型，用以說明公共財在民主社會下 所決定的生產及分配過程，其基本概念包括政治市場所有參與者的各種動機及利益。 由於所有政府機構的立法、行政、管制都屬於公共財，因此本文嘗試評估這些機構達 成社會最適結果的程度，使財政政府能更加務實，此亦本文欲達成之目標。 最後，依A.Prest 看法，管制政策會造成隱蔽性賦稅，但如何估計，尚有技術方面的 困難，但本文擬由管制的競租理論作單一產業隱蔽性賦稅的估計，提供決策者參考的 依據。 本文除了第一章為緒論外，第二章為研究架構：以公共選擇理論為基礎，第三章則介 紹各種管制的經濟理論；第四章則說明隱蔽性賦稅的定義及影響，並說明估計的方法 ；第五章利用台灣地區的資料嘗試對公務人員做賄賂行為的實證分析；第六章為結論 。

成立於1989年的亞太經合會是亞太區域唯一的官方區域整合機制，其「開放性區域主義」的特質，是過去區域整合機制所未曾提出與採用。惟亞太經合會特殊的組織架構與運作程序是否能夠提供會員國進一步合作的機制與意願，經常受到挑戰與考驗。今年適逢亞太經合會成立廿週年，正可用以作為研究亞太區域整合的典型案例，以對亞太地區整合的過去、現在與將來可能之發展有一綜合性的探究。 本論文在結構上設定基本前提為：亞太區域面臨歐盟、北美自由貿易區的區域整合所帶來的壓力，使得各國致力內部調整及經濟發展，藉由經貿相互往來的活動增進彼此間之依存度，而衍生希望藉由亞太經合會這一亞太區域最大的區域組織，來尋求區域整合，以形成競爭優勢；並冀藉國際關係區域整合相關理論與經驗，探討以下兩個問題： 一、以亞太經合會為例，析論亞太區域現有整合機制，面臨之問題及解決之途徑為何？ 二、從亞太經合會未來定位發展，預測亞太區域整合可能途徑與方式？ 本論文研究發現亞太區域未來仍舊繼續朝向多邊整合機制發展，仍難以出現一個類似北美、或歐盟的整合機制。而亞太區域整合未來發展趨勢為：（一）在區域經濟整合的建構過程中呈現多頭馬車角逐競爭的現象；（二）亞洲化與次區域間雙邊化的發展趨勢；（三）多組區域貿易安排同時發展、相互交錯的趨勢；（四）從認同的角度觀之，當今亞太區域經濟整合的過程亦呈現亞洲主義與亞太主義競合的趨勢；（五）美國的立場對亞太區域整合發展扮演關鍵性角色；（六）市場驅動為主導結合政府區域合作政策亦將決定亞太區域整合發展的路徑。上述的發展趨勢亦成為亞太經合會在未來進行亞太區域整合、推動亞太自由貿易區將面臨的整合問題，如何在諸整合機制的競合關係中，繼續推動整合進程，考驗亞太經合會各經濟體的智慧。

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企業要從競爭激烈的環境中脫穎而出，除了要有好的競爭策略與執行力外，擁有充足且低廉的資金、知名且廣受信賴的聲譽，以及優秀又肯為公司效力的經營團隊與員工，是企業領先競爭對手的必要條件。成功推動公司股票上市櫃，無疑是創造這些競爭優勢的重要關鍵。而如何為企業提供一個有效率而低成本的資本市場，同時提供投資人一個有保障又有成長率的投資平台，不但有利企業的後續發展，亦關係著該地資本市場的資金動能。 過去幾年大陸為避免經濟過熱及產生泡沫化之風險，故實施一連串的宏觀調控措施，使得台商在中國大陸籌資更形困難；另欲回台上市又遭遇政策及相關法令的限制，故部份大陸台商便計劃在大陸或香港上市，甚至為達香港上市要求之市值規模，而規劃台灣下市並以海外控股公司為掛牌主體在香港上市，這種連根拔起的舉動勢必影響台灣的資本市場及經濟發展。而自2008年5月馬政府上台執政以後，積極推動兩岸政策的鬆綁及若干的寬鬆優惠政策，重量級台商如旺旺、康師傅等紛紛回台發行TDR，且發行時投資人皆超額認購股票，供不應求下掛牌後漲幅不少。但鄰近的大陸及香港資本市場也在積極招商，鼓勵海外企業掛牌，而深圳創業板的成立，以吸引不少中小企業掛牌，加上上海國際板亦規劃在2011年成立，勢必也會衝擊鄰近的資本市場。因應大陸及香港資本市場的競爭，大陸宏觀調控政策、勞動合同法的實施、缺工及巨幅調薪現象，政府有無推出相關政策及措施來協助台商轉型並提升競爭力呢？冀望經由本研究，探討目前台商回台上市所面臨的問題與障礙，並提出相關建議以求解決之道，期盼能恢復資本市場動能及企業能擴大對台投資，使企業根留台灣，對台灣經濟永續發展。

“Taiwan's birth rate at world record low”, opening the newspapers in Taiwan, we often could see the similar titles once in a while, the total fertility rate is 1.03‰ in 2010 which means each woman only give birth to 1.03 child a life. The population is one of the key factors to form the country. The low birth rate phenomenon occurred not only in Taiwan, but also in many developed countries. Demographers, governmental and international institutions have feared that lowest-low fertility might prove to be persistent in both developed and developing countries. Demographers in the mid-1990s could not have predicted that fertility would fall so rapidly to such levels. Not only did fertility but also other indicators related to fertility and the family adjusted suddenly and we are approaching the recent fertility decline from a broader perspective that considers the traditional and cultural legacies which affect the everyday life of ordinary citizens. The article would take the experience of OECD countries and discuss the phenomenon of the fertility measures and observe the plausible approaches of education authorities deal with low birth rate in developed countries and Taiwan.

金融危機後，東協尋求進一步區域經濟合作，中國大陸有爭逐區域霸權的思維，提供市場及其他公共財予東協，兩者開展合作；而日本憂慮中國大陸崛起，也積極與東協合作，但是多邊制度甚至一開放的東亞區域經濟建制對日本有利，不過欲保持自身自主性的東協及欲排除其美國於東亞勢力的中國大陸並不贊成。中國大陸也認知到區域內需中日共存與合作；日本雖欲建立制度領導，但仍遭遇東協與中國大陸之疑慮，況又有來自國內保守壓力；但是東協透過集體與中國大陸簽訂「自由貿易協定」，再由東協成員國個別與日本簽訂自由貿易協定的方式，尋求東亞經濟合作，使得東亞區域雖無一正式化經濟合作制度，但彼此卻已展開實質經濟合作，本論文將要探討在這過程中，東協國家如何彈性地避開爭議又獲得東亞地區實質合作的進展。 / After the financial crisis, ASEAN sought for further regional economic cooperation. China bearing the thought to pursue becoming the regional hegemony provides ASEAN with public goods and ASEAN started to cooperate with China. And Japan who was worried about the rise of China began to cooperate with ASEAN actively. But the multilateral regime, or a open-end East Asia regional economic regime is more beneficial to Japan. ASEAN who wants to keep their self-autonomy and China who has a strong wish to exclude the U.S. influence form East Asia do not approve to build the multilateral economic system in East Asia. China recognizes that China and Japan must work economically together and co-exist in East Asia. Although Japan who needs to handle the doubts of ASEAN and China hopes to build a system and to lead the economic cooperation within the region, Japan encounters the conservative power domestically. ASEAN who looks for the economic cooperation in East Asia by concluding the Free Trade Agreement with China collectively and Japan individually to make real economical cooperation in East Asia. This paper is going to discuss how does ASEAN flexibly avoid the disputes and achieve real economic cooperation progress during the economic cooperation process.