Die Vision einer Europäischen Außenpolitik zwischen den Supermächten USA und UdSSR prägte die Debatte im Westeuropa der Nachkriegszeit. Lange Zeit glaubten die überzeugten europäischen Protagonisten an die Idee, mittels einer strengen Sachlogik dem Ziel einer politischen Integration zwangsläufig näher zu kommen und eine gemeinschaftliche Außenpolitik zu erreichen, und zwar über die Bildung einer integrierten Wirtschaftsunion hin zu politischen Mechanismen. Man argumentierte mit Nachdruck: Die wirtschaftliche Integration sei nicht nur ein Schritt auf dem Weg zur politischen Vereinigung, sondern bereits ein Teil des Zieles selbst.1 Wie sehr der Glaube an diese Sachlogik im Verlauf der Jahrzehnte getrogen hat, davon zeugen Mühseligkeit, Langwierigkeit und teilweise Ergebnislosigkeit der Anstrengungen, eine gemeinsame europäische Außenpolitik zu schaffen. / Starting from the post-war vision of a supranational Western Europe, the author describes the history of a Common Foreign and Security Policy. The main focus is on the development of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) since the 1970s. Possibilities and limits of such a cooperation are highlighted. The author states that the EPC was designed pragmatically and was not incorporated into the legal system of the EU. He analyses the permanently strained relations between the national states in Europe and their effort to reach common competences in the area of foreign and security policy.

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

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本文主要目的是從比較統一前的西德與統一後的德國在歐洲政治合作中的角色，來探究德意志聯邦共和國於統一後是否會繼續支持歐洲政治合作的進展，並且解析其繼續支持與否的態度對歐洲政治進一步統合的影響。本文各章的重點如下：第一章前言說明本文分析德意志共和國在歐洲政治合作中角色的分析架構。第二章則對歐洲政治合作的歷史發展作概要性的敘述，並說明歐體與歐洲政治合作運作上的關係。第三章則從西德西歐整合的外交政策取向，分析其加入歐洲政治合作的動機。第四章由德意志聯邦共和國在歐洲政治合作中的行動來觀察其角色。一是從德意志聯邦共和國在統一前與統一後對歐洲政治合作加深與擴大的支持態度；二是從統一前、後德意志聯邦共和國在歐洲政治合作處理國際危機中的行動轉變來觀察。第五章是歸結德意志聯邦共和國在歐洲政治合作的角色轉變，並從歐洲政治統合對德意志聯邦共和國的重要性，以及德意志聯邦共和國對歐洲政治合作影響力的互動中，解析統一後的德國在歐洲政治合作中扮演的角色，將對歐洲政治合作的進展持有何態度，且對歐洲政治統合的進一步發展有何影響。第六章結語則提出本文的研究發現與心得。

A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes. / The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.

A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes. / The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.

A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes. / The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.

C’est avec le lancement de la Coopération Politique Européenne (CPE) en 1969/70 que les six États membres de la Communaute européenne (CE) ont tourné une page dans l’histoire de l’intégration européenne. À partir de cette date les membres de la CE se sont consultés sur des questions de politique étrangère afin d’harmoniser leurs vues et d’élaborer des positions communes. Dès le début la France avait le plus grand intérêt à mettre le Proche-Orient sur l’agenda des Six. Comme les deux chocs pétroliers de 1973/74 et de 1979 risquaient de peser lourd sur les relations euro-arabes, les autres États membres de la Communauté ont consenti en principe à développer une position commune envers le Proche-Orient. Ainsi une politique proche-orientale des Six, et àpartir de 1973 des Neuf, s’est institutionnalisée au cours des années 1970 qui était basée d’une part sur des déclarations communes sur la situation au Proche-Orient et d’autre part sur une coopération économique interrégionale plus étroite, notamment dans le cadre du dialogue euro-arabe. Sous la présidence de Georges Pompidou tout comme sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing la France a été le moteur dans le développement des relations euro-arabes des années 1970. Même si l’action française qui visait à faire adopter sa propre politique proche-orientale par ses partenaires européens n’était pas toujours couronnée de succès la déclaration commune du 6 novembre 1973 et surtout la déclaration commune de Venise du 13 juin 1980reflètent nettement position pro-palestinienne de la France. / By launching European Political Cooperation (EPC) in 1969/70 the six member states of the European Community (EC) openend a new chapter in the history of European Integration. Henceforward the six member states consulted each other in foreign policy issues in order to develop commun positions where possible. From the beginning France showed the greatest interest in putting the Middle East on the European agenda. As the two oil price shocks of 1973/74 and 1979 put a strain on the euro-arab relations the other member states of the EC supported the French request to develop a commun European Near-Eastern policy. Consequently, the 1970ies were marked by a process of institutionalisation of commun policy towards that region that was, on theone side, based on common European declarations, and, on the other side, on a more intense euro-arab cooperation in the field of economics, and this especially within the framework of the euro-arab dialogue. Both under the presidency of Georges Pompidou and under the presidency of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing France can be described as motor of the development and the extension of euro-arab relations. Even if the French diplomacy that tried to make her Near-Eastern policy a common European policy has not always been crowned with succes the common Brussels declaration of November 1973 and especially the common Venicedeclaration of June 1980 reflect clearly the pro-Palestinian stance of France.

Este trabalho analisa as políticas de EJA desenvolvidas pela União e pelo Estado de São Paulo, no período 2003-2009, sob a ótica do regime de colaboração em um Estado federativo. Elegemos como instâncias a serem objeto de nossa análise a Diretoria de Políticas de Educação de Jovens e Adultos da Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Diversidade e Alfabetização do Ministério da Educação DPEJA/SECAD/MEC, e a Secretaria de Estado da Educação de São Paulo SEESP. Através da descrição e análise de políticas e programas, e dos dados de demanda e oferta escolar por essas duas instâncias, buscamos avaliar como o regime de colaboração, entre as esferas federal e estadual de governo, tem se concretizado no Estado de São Paulo, no sentido e garantir a efetivação do direito à educação das pessoas jovens e adultas que não puderam iniciar ou concluir a escolarização básica na idade considerada regular. A pesquisa foi realizada mediante análise de documentos, realização de entrevistas com pessoas envolvidas com a temática e revisão da bibliografia sobre o tema. Conclui-se que a as responsabilidades estabelecidas pela legislação referente à obrigatoriedade da oferta de EJA não tem sido respeitada pela União e pelo Estado de São Paulo. Um dos principais fatores ligados a este descumprimento da legislação é o fato de que a colaboração entre estes dois entes federados em relação à EJA não se efetivou satisfatoriamente no período analisado. / educational policy; youth and adult education; federalism; São Paulo (State)