美國總統歐巴馬自2009年上任後，立即著手將美國的全球戰略重心向亞太地區轉移，同時提出「亞太再平衡」政策指導方針，逐步實現以美國利益為依歸的全球戰略重新布局。2012年美國公布國防戰略指導原則《維持美國的全球領導地位：21世紀國防優先任務》，列出21世紀的國防任務優先順序，文件中提及「戰略再平衡」亦即要發展「空海整體戰」，以反制中共的「反介入／區域拒止」（A2AD)為主要關鍵任務之一，由此可見，美國仍將中共視為亞太地區的重要競爭對手。 回顧美國公開宣稱重返亞洲的戰略布局以來，先後於2010年1月、2011年9月及2015年12月三次對臺軍售，總價值高達140.75億美元。臺灣是美國在亞太地區防衛中共所建構反介入的第一道防線，對美國當然存在重要的軍事意義。就美國「亞太再平衡」與戰略替代方案中，華美共同利益或美方缺漏不足之處，應積極尋求雙方更緊密之軍事合作，以因應共軍「反介入/區域拒止」(A2/AD)能力對其亞太利益威脅，同時兼顧減輕美軍的防衛負擔及信守對盟邦的安全承諾。 在傳統戰爭中，臺灣面對中共之勝算極低，但我國絕無鬆懈建軍備戰之理由，而建構一個「財力可負擔、戰力可信賴」的國防，亦是國軍當前的重大挑戰。研究發現，在結合美國「亞太再平衡」策略中，我國應朝1.強化國家利益經營對美關係；2.結合區域安全發展國防武力；3.加強整合國防資源及推動國防自主等面向努力。在無立即危安的情況下，國防建設宜結合國家經濟發展需要，即「以經濟建構國防、以國防支援經濟」，把軍事投資轉型為具附加價值的產業發展策略，並著重在前瞻先進與軍民兩用的科研上，促進武器更新，減少偏重消費性質的武器彈藥採購，以提升國防自主能力，帶動國內產業發展，創造國防的多元價值。 / Since President Obama took over the oval office in 2009, immediate actions are taken to pivot U.S. global strategy emphasis to Asia Pacific area and “Rebalancing” policy was introduced. The idea was to realize the re-plotting of global strategy which is centered on U.S. interest. The priorities of defense mission for U.S. in 21st century was clearly listed in 2012 defense strategy guidance “Sustaining U.S. Global leadership: Priorities for 21st century defense.” When the document talked about “Strategy rebalancing”, it actually talked about Air-Sea battle(ASB), which is one of the critical mission in countering China’s A2AD measures. Hence we can see that U.S. still sees China as her primary competition in Asia Pacific area. Since the proclamation of “Pivot to Asia” strategy, U.S. has granted Taiwan’s arms sales requests in Jan 2010, Sept 2011, and Dec 2015 for a total worth of 14.075 B USD. Taiwan no doubt has great military meaning to U.S. for which is considered as U.S.’s first line of defense in Asia Pacific area when dealing with China. As for the strategic alternative and U.S.’s “Rebalancing” policy, closer military cooperation should be conducted to fulfill the mutual interest of Taiwan and U.S. or the missing link in U.S. strategy. So is to cope with the threat that inflicted by China’s anti-access / area denial" (A2 / AD), ease U.S. defense burden, and comply the security promise to allies. In conventional warfare, the odd is against Taiwan greatly when confronting China. However, that is not the reason to go easy on force building and enhancing combat readiness. Certainly, it is a big challenge to Taiwan’s arms forces when comes to constructing “financial affordable, force creditable” national defense. The study has shown, when integrate with U.S. “Rebalancing” policy, Taiwan should work toward 1. emphasize national interest and nourish the relationship with U.S.; 2. develop defense capability to cope with regional security situation; 3. increase defense resources integration and promote “self-reliant defense”. Under the condition of without immediate danger, national defense construction should combine with the need of national economy development. That means “use economy to build national defense, and use national defense to support economy development”. Military investment can be transformed into industry development strategy added value. The focus should be fore sighting and advance science research that can be applied on both military and civilian domain. We should stimulate weapon innovation instead of weapon or munitions procurement which is plain consuming nature. Hence, self-reliant defense capability can be improved, domestic industries development can be driven, and multiple values of national defense can be created.

設立防空識別區的根本目的是為了維護國家空防安全，基本理念是｢禦敵於國門之外｣，是國家行使自保權的需要，是一個主權國家的重要防禦手段。空軍軍事法院院長刑洪波曾說：作為一個預警概念，防空識別區制度具有國家性、單方性、穩定性、防禦性、強制性五個方面的特性。防空識別區的劃設與國家安全的關係是緊密不分的，雖然防空識別區是由自身國家所劃設，在國際上是不具有國際法效力，但是此區可以說是一個國家空防能夠及早預警的延伸範圍，所以它的劃設是具有其必要性的。而如何劃設本身國家的防空識別區便與國際政治上國家與國家之間的影響力有密切關係。 近年來中共經濟發展迅速，在國際事務上已成關鍵，有發展成強權國家之勢，在2012年發生了日本收購釣魚島事件，對於東海戰略平衡上，破壞了中、日、台在東海上的平衡，也影響了中共防空識別區的劃定及周邊航道安全的維護。而2013年中共設立東海防空識別區，對於國際造成嚴重影響，尤其是東海地區局勢更加動盪。中共在2015年1月15日發布飛航公告，擬在台灣海峽劃設一條南北向新航路，與東西向三條新航路，此舉動造成台灣海峽及附近區域安全上的強烈衝擊。而美國為了圍堵、威攝和遏制中國大陸的崛起，近年來不斷的和日、韓等國家在黃海、東海、南海地區頻繁進行大規模軍演，並決定｢亞太再平衡政策｣，推動戰略東移目標，要在2020年內將60%的軍事力量轉移至亞太地區，擴大其在該地區的軍事基地建設，進駐先進武器在關島及其他基地。而對中華民國而言，中共劃設東海防空識別區對東海地區安全的衝擊，是非常重要的，中華民國應強化在東海的話語權，並從多邊面向思考對外發展戰略思維的調整。 / Established air defense identification zone's fundamental purpose is to safeguard national aviation security, the basic idea is the "enemy out," is the need to exercise the right of national self-protection is an important means of defense of a sovereign state. President of the Air Force Military Court Criminal Hongbo said: As an early warning concept, air defense identification zone system has national characteristics unilateral, stability, defense, mandatory five aspects. Designation of the relationship between national security and air defense identification zone are closely regardless, although the air defense identification zone is the designation of the country itself, it is in the international community does not have the force of international law, but this area can be said to be a country capable of air defense extending the scope of immediate early warning, so it is a designation of its necessity. And how the designation of their national air defense identification zone will be closely related to the international political influence on the state and between countries. In recent years, the CCP's rapid economic development, has become critical in international affairs, has developed into a potential power countries, Japan, the acquisition of the Diaoyu Island incident occurred in 2012, the strategic balance on the East China Sea, destroyed, Japan and Taiwan in the East China Sea balance, also affected the delineation and the surrounding seaways CCP air defense identification zone maintenance. And in 2013 the CPC established the East China Sea air defense identification zone for international severely affected, especially the situation in the East China Sea region more volatile. CCP released January 15, 2015 flight announcement, to be in the Taiwan Strait designation of a new north-south route, with three new east-west route, this move will have a strong impact on the vicinity of the Taiwan Strait and regional security. And the United States to containment, deterrence and curb the rise of mainland China, in recent years, and Japan, Korea and other countries frequently conduct large-scale military exercises in the Yellow Sea, East China Sea, South China Sea, and decided to "rebalance Asia policy" to promote the strategic eastward target to 60% in 2020 year will be transferred to the Asia-Pacific region's military to expand its construction of military bases in the region, advanced weapons stationed in Guam and other bases. The Republic of China, the CPC designation of the impact of the East China Sea air defense identification zone of the East China Sea regional security, it is very important to the Republic of China should strengthen the right to speak in the East China Sea, and think to adjust its foreign strategic thinking from multilateral development-oriented.

美國可稱為新現實主義的實踐者。在1970年代美國藉由透過拉攏中華人民共和國(中共)形成戰略三角來維持國家安全的最佳位置。蘇聯解體後，中共成為威脅美國的新興強權。約翰•米爾斯海默(John J. Mearsheimer)於1990年代提出了攻勢現實主義(Offensive Realism)，米氏認為在無政府的國際體制下，權力極大化才能確保國家安全，中共勢必也將會為了國家安全，擴張其軍事實力，成為具區域影響力的強權，掌握亞太區域事務的主導權。 歐巴馬(Barack Obama)政府在2009年順利執政後，其任命的國務卿希拉蕊•柯林頓(Hillary Clinton)於Foreign Policy發表了一篇《America’s Pacific Century》，文中定調亞太地區為未來美國政府在外交政策、國際政治經營以及全球戰略的核心，為歐巴馬的亞太政策鋪路，隨後歐巴馬在2012年公佈《維繫美國全球領導地位：21 世紀國防優先事項》(Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century)的戰略報告，正式宣告將全球戰略佈局重心移至亞太地區，即是現今國際間熟知的亞太再平衡(Asia Pacific Rebalancing)戰略，而此一戰略的目標就是對中共在亞太地區進行新世紀的區域圍堵。中共與美國競合的過程中，中華民國(臺灣)扮演著關鍵第三者，臺灣執政當局在歐巴馬推動「亞太再平衡」戰略期間所扮演的角色與立場，也將會影響兩岸關係的現狀與未來發展。 / The United States can be called Neo-Realism practitioners, and in the 1970s the United States was the best place to maintain national security by forming a strategic triangle with the People's Republic of China (PRC). After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the PRC became an emerging power threatening the United States. John J. Mearsheimer, who introduced Offensive Realism in the 1990s, argues that state’s power should be maximized, in order to ensure national security in the anarchistic international relationship. PRC is also seeking its own safety position at the national security level. Therefore, PRC has to expand its military strength and have the capability to influence regional affairs. The end state of PRC, is to master the Asia-Pacific regional affairs of the initiative. After the Barack Obama administration took office in 2009, his secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, published an article “America’s Pacific Century” on Foreign Policy website. This article elaborates center of gravity of U.S.’s foreign policy, management of international politics and global strategy in the near future. Obama administration had an announcement “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century” in 2012. And it became a well-known strategy “Asia-Pacific Rebalance”, and the goal of this strategy is to create a strategic containment for PRC in a new era of global competition. The Republic of China (Taiwan) plays a key role during Sino-American competition. Roles and behaviors of Taiwan's administration will affect Cross-Strait relationship when Obama’s administration execute the strategy of “Asia-Pacific Rebalancing”

世界貿易組織成立之後，各國經濟發展隨著交通工具與網際網路的進步，「全球化」與「區域化」成為推動全球經濟發展的動力，區域合作對國際關係的重整產生深遠的影響，同時民族國家更希望透過區域性的整合來增加經濟效率與政治接受度。已成為全球第二大經濟體的中國大陸，其領導人習近平於2013年分別提出了「絲綢之路經濟帶」與「二十一世紀海上絲綢之路」的戰略構想，做為其以經濟優勢為基礎，對周邊國家實施區域整合的策略，並成為區域性霸權的雙面刃。 基於地緣政治的因素，為了有效的施行中國大陸以發展成海洋強國為主軸的「二十一世紀海上絲綢之路」戰略構想，東南亞國協成為中國大陸企業走出去的首選目標。強調以東南亞國協為中心的「區域全面經濟夥伴協定」為中國大陸所積極推動的區域經濟整合，普遍被認為是中國大陸為了主導全球經濟，制衡美國所支持的「跨太平洋夥伴關係協定」之戰略手段，東協亦成為中美權力較量的重點區域。除了與區域外強權的經貿競逐，東南亞國協十國於政治、經濟、文化、宗教、地理與自然資源因素都存在很大的差異，中國大陸推行經貿整合的過程雖創造了合作的機遇，卻也存在諸多風險。 2010年中國大陸與東協自貿區成立以來，雙邊的服務貿易與貨物貿易協議成效均不斷擴大，中國大陸藉由「二十一世紀海上絲綢之路」和中國大陸與東協自貿區「升級版」作為中國大陸與東協當前經濟合作的支撐，並以投資為合作主軸，互聯互通為核心，輔以亞洲基礎建設投資銀行及絲路基金等銀彈策略，同時為中國大陸經濟高速成長產能過剩問題尋求出路，本文透過中國大陸海權戰略、區域經濟整合與東協經貿外交進程，分析其機遇、挑戰及影響。 / After the World Trade Organization(WTO) was formed, the progress of both the transportation and network have been pushing the development of countries’ economy. “Globalization” and “Regionalization” become the power for promoting global economy development. Regional cooperation has deep influence on the reformation of international relations. Meanwhile, nation-states would like to increase economic efficiency and political acceptance through regional integration. In 2013, China, being the world’s second largest economy, its leader, Xi Jinping, raised up strategic concept of “Silk Road Economy Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” for its foundation of economic advantages.China is using it as a tactic to perform regional integration of the neighboring countries and to become a regional superpower. Based on the geo-political reason, in order to effectively enforce the strategic concept of “Twenty-first Century Maritime Silk Road” and to develop China as a maritime power, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has become the top choice for Chinese corporations to walk out. The “Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)” centered on the ASEAN nations, which China is actively pushing for, is widely believed to be a strategic move to lead the global economy and to balance “Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement” supported by the United States. The ASEAN has become the competing focal point for both China and the U.S. Besides the economic competition with the outside regional superpowers, all the 10 members of the ASEAN countries exist significant differences in politics, economy, culture, religion, geography, and natural resources. Therefore, despite China is creating the opportunity of economic and trading cooperation, there are still many risks. Since the establishment of China and ASEAN Free Trade Area(CAFTA) in 2010, the result of service trade and goods trade agreement has expanded. China uses both “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” and the upgraded version of “China-ASEAN Free Trade Area” to support its economic cooperation with the ASEAN, meanwhile, using investment as the principle for cooperation, and mutual communication as the core, and money bullet from Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and Silk road fund as the assisting strategy in order to seek way out for China’s overcapacity. This paper is for readers to understand China’s opportunity, threat, and effect through analyzing its maritime strategy, and regional economic integration with ASEAN economy diplomacy and trade progress.

本文的研究目的在於觀察美國總統歐巴馬任期內的美日同盟關係之互動，並加入當前國關學界對於「同盟政治」以及東亞區域安全課題的討論。由此，在研究過程中，首先詳述美國與日本的國家安全戰略與外交立場，以及兩國之間的互動如何有效維繫彼此的同盟關係。 在具體研究步驟上，同盟內部協調能力與面臨外在情勢的同盟凝聚力是本文主要探討的的兩大重點。本文首先將美日關係中的安全、政治與經貿議題當作同盟的內部因素，檢視美日同盟之間的合作與分歧議題，以及美國總統歐巴馬與日本首相之間的互動過程，藉此評估美日同盟的協調能力；另以中國因素做為外部因素，討論中國對於美日同盟的各項影響，再以案例分析，檢視美國處理中日爭執議題的立場與實際作為，觀察美日同盟與中國之間的互動過程，藉此檢視美日同盟的凝聚力。最後部分則總結美日同盟在歐巴馬總統任期內的整體變化與效能分析。 / This research focuses on the alliance politics of the US-Japan alliance in the Obama administration. From 2009 to 2014, the Obama administration has faced five different Japanese cabinets, both the governments of the US and Japan had different perceptions regarding the alliance cohesion and coordination. These perceptions, in addition to their political, economic, and secure interactions have created multiple impacts on the US-Japan alliance. The China factor is another key issue during this research. Although China and the United States are very far from being adversaries as they were in the beginning of the Cold War era, they do engage in issues like South China Sea, East China Sea, and the global economic competition. The Obama administration is also trying to avoid the alliance security dilemma—the risk of entrapment and the cost of abandonment—with the malign China-Japan relations. Besides, this research further investigates how the US-Japan alliance has adjusted itself to the changes and challenges in the global and the East Asia regional security.

「避險」近年被認為是弱勢的中等國家爭取國家利益的最佳良策，然而這通常代表欲採此戰略選擇的國家，必須要同時與敵對的國家結成同盟，通常在經濟與安全領域的國家利益需求產生矛盾「悖論」，此間又以南韓在外交政策上的實踐最為顯著，本文將以朴槿惠主政下的南韓為例，探討在其「聯美和中」的外交平衡作法之下，受到地緣環境與傳統韓美同盟的制約的南韓，能否以此模糊的戰略選擇，兩面討好，達成獲取國家利益的最高政策目標。 / “Hedging Policy” is considered the best way to gain national interest for middle-power states in recent years. However, it means that state using this strategy has to cooperate or form an alliance with the enemy states. It usually known as a paradox to the security and economy issues of a state, and the most famous case is ROK. This article will take the ROK government led by president Park Geun-Hye for example, and discuss if the “Security issue rely on U.S., economy issue finds China” strategy did profit both from the two superpower in the world.

全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流，中美兩大經濟體系（G2）的競合，更是主導國際體系發展的方向，2014年中共國家主席習近平，提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識，中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色，對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻，期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。 從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向，窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係，理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。 期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維，過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機，發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。 / 全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流，中美兩大經濟體系（G2）的競合，更是主導國際體系發展的方向，2014年中共國家主席習近平，提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識，中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色，對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻，期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。 從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向，窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係，理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。 期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維，過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機，發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。